Category Archives: Polabians

Bishop Ermanrich of Ellwangen

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Ermanrich (Ermanrich, Hermanrich, circa 814 – 874) was the Bishop of Passau from 866 to 874. In German he is referred to as Ermanrich von Ellwangen.

His letter to Grimald, the imperial archbishop under (Epistola ad Grimoldum abbatem, archicapellanum Ludovici imperatoris) Emperor Louis contains two references to the Slavs.  The first is in the context of discussing Louis where he says:

interroga Sclavos in gyro, et non miraris epytoma meum.

meaning something like: “[and] ask the nearby Slavs and do not marvel at my summary [?].”

The second reference associates Slavs with music:

Tu psalterium arripe, puto non alicuius mimi ante ianuam stantis, sed neque Sclavi saltantis.

“You grasp the lute [psaltery?], i think neither of some actor standing in front of the door nor of a dancing Slav.”

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January 31, 2018

Semnonen die Erdbesitzer

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A reader forwarded a link to a German tv program entitled Slavs in Germany (see here).  The program is interesting but also contains a number of contradictions.  Sorbs are said in the program to have to come into an area previously emptied of the Germanic tribes (or almost emptied).  On the other hand, Werner Meskank from the Wend Museum in Cottbus says the following:

“[… at one point in time [previously] a Germanic tribe of the Semnones had settled here. We do not know in which language the Semnones communicated with one another. Nevertheless, every Slav, every Sorb will recognize a Sorb [or Slav] root word in the tribal designation of the Semnones.  Semia means the Earth.  Thus, the Semnonen were the “landowners.”

Incidentally, this Slavic etymology would also perfectly explain the rather unpleasant ritual described by Tacitus in Germania as done by the Semnones:

„Vetustissimos se nobilissimosque Suevorum Semnones memorant; fides antiquitatis religione firmatur. Stato tempore in silvam auguriis patrum et prisca formidine sacram omnes eiusdem sanguinis populi legationibus coeunt caesoque publice homine celebrant barbari ritus horrenda primordia. Est et alia luco reverentia: nemo nisi vinculo ligatus ingreditur, ut minor et potestatem numinis prae se ferens. Si forte prolapsus est, attolli et insurgere haud licitum: per humum evolvuntur. Eoque omnis superstitio respicit, tamquam inde initia gentis, ibi regnator omnium deus, cetera subiecta atque parentia. Adicit auctoritatem fortuna Semnonum: centum pagi iis habitantur magnoque corpore efficitur ut se Suevorum caput credant.“

[ Fällt jemand hin, so darf er sich nicht aufheben lassen oder selbst aufstehen; auf dem Erdboden wälzt er sich hinaus.]

Add to this that the suffix -on seems either Greek (Simon, drákōn) or Slavic or something else but not German (Håkon – Norwegian). Compare with Slavic Chatzon or Czychon from the previous post.  In fact, even the German Otto was Slavicized as Otton.

Yet, if Slavs were migrants then how could the Semnones speak Slavic?

Notice too that our Sorb narrator says “Suovaeni” not “Sloveni”.  Strange that it is precisely the Poles and Sorbs and West Slavs that should have moved from “Sl” to “Su” (that is, it is not strange because that whole theory is crap with bogus).

Yet he also uses the word swaiba which is pronounced svaiba which very much now points towards a “sv” (and hence sv>su) development (as in the Polish “Swoi” or svoi meaning “one’s own [people]” or “swojski” that is svoiski meaning “familiar”). This is similar too to swadźba meaning wedding.

But what really struck me was the face and, even more importantly, facial mannerisms of Professor Jürgen Udolph, a linguist featured in the program.  I could have sworn I’d seen the same somewhere before and I did not place it at first but eventually it came that the guy looks and talks like Zbig Brzezinski… This is not a perfect representation – you have to see the interview (see above) but, other than the fact that Udolph’s nose was more hooked than Brzezinski’s, they could have been siblings.

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January 29, 2018

The Wends of the Heimskringla

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Here are the mentions of the Slavs that have made their way into the Heimskringla. This comes from a rather ancient translation by Rasmus B. Anderson. The Slav mentions come from the following sagas included in the Heimskringla:

    • Hakon the Good’s Saga
    • Saga of King Harald Grafeld and of Earl Hakon Son of Sigurd
    • King Olaf Trygvason’s Saga
    • Saga of Olaf Haraldson
    • Saga of Magnus the Good
    • Saga of Harald Hardrade
    • Saga of Sigurd the Crusader and his Brothers Eystein and Olaf
    • Saga of Magnus the Blind and of Harald Gille
    • Saga of Sigurd, Inge and Eystein, the Sons of Harald

SAGA OF SIGURD, INGE, AND EYSTEIN, THE SONS OF HARALD

HAKON THE GOOD’S SAGA

7 Battle in Eyrarsund (the Sound)

Then Hakon steered southwards with his fleet to seek the vikings, and so on to Sealand. He rowed with two cutters into the Eyrarsund, where he found eleven viking ships, and instantly attacked them. It ended in his gaining the victory, and clearing the viking ships of all their men. So says Guthorm Sindre:—

“Hakon the Brave, whose skill all know
To bend in battle storm the bow,
Rushed o’er the waves to Sealand’s tongue,
His two war-ships with gilt shields hung,
And cleared the decks with his blue sword
That rules the fate of war, on board
Eleven ships of the Vindland men,—
Famous is Hakon’s name since then.”

8 King Hakon’s Expedition to Denmark

Thereafter King Hakon carried war far and wide in Sealand; plundering some, slaying others, taking some prisoners of war, taking ransom from others,—and all without opposition. Then Hakon proceeded along the coast of Skane, pillaging everywhere, levying taxes and ransoms from the country, and killing all vikings, both Danish and Vindish. He then went eastwards to the district of Gautland, marauded there, and took great ransom from the country. So says Guthorm Sindre:—

“Hakon, who midst the battle shock
Stands like a firmly-rooted oak,
Subdued all Sealand with the sword;
From Vindland vikings the sea-bord
Of Scania swept; and, with the shield
Of Odin clad, made Gautland yield
A ransom of the ruddy gold,
Which Hakon to his war-men bold
Gave with free hand, who in his feud
Against the arrow-storm had stood.”

King Hakon returned back in autumn with his army and an immense booty; and remained all the winter (946) in Viken to defend it against the Danes and Gautlanders, if they should attack it.

SAGA OF KING HARALD GRAFELD AND OF EARL HAKON SON OF SIGURD

14 Sigurd Slefa’s Murder

One summer Harald Grayskin with his troops went north to Bjarmaland, where he forayed, and fought a great battle with the inhabitants on the banks of the Vina (Dwina). King Harald gained the victory, killed many people, plundered and wasted and burned far and wide in the land, and made enormous booty. Glum Geirason tells of it thus:—

“I saw the hero Harald chase
With bloody sword Bjarme’s race:
They fly before him through the night,
All by their burning city’s light.
On Dwina’s bank, at Harald’s word,
Arose the storm of spear and sword.
In such a wild war-cruise as this.
Great would he be who could bring peace”

King Sigurd Slefa came to the Herse Klyp’s house. Klyp was a son of Thord, and a grandson of Hordakare, and was a man of power and great family. He was not at home; but his wife Alof gave a good reception to the king, and made a great feast at which there was much drinking. Alof was a daughter of Asbjorn, and sister to Jarnskegge, north in Yrjar. Asbjorn’s brother was called Hreidar, who was father to Styrkar, whose son was Eindride, father of Einar Tambaskielfer. In the night the king went to bed to Alof against her will, and then set out on his journey. The harvest thereafter, King Harald and his brother King Sigurd Slefa went to Vors, and summoned the bondes to a Thing. There the bondes fell on them, and would have killed them, but they escaped and took different roads. King Harald went to Hardanger, but King Sigurd to Alrekstader. Now when the Herse Klyp heard of this, he and his relations assembled to attack the king; and Vemund Volubrjot1 was [116] chief of their troop. Now when they came to the house they attacked the king, and Herse Klyp, it is said, ran him through with his sword and killed him; but instantly Klyp was killed on the spot by Erling Gamle (965).

KING OLAF TRYGVASON’S SAGA

18 Battle Between Hakon and Ragnfred

Towards spring Earl Hakon ordered out all the men north in the country; and got many people from Halogaland and Naumudal; so that from Bryda to Stad he had men from all the sea-coast. People flocked to him from all the Throndhjem district and from Raumsdal. It was said for certain that he had men from four great districts, and that seven earls followed him, and a matchless number of men. So it is said in the Vellekla:—

“Hakon, defender of the land,
Armed in the North his warrior-band,

To Sogn’s old shore his force he led,
And from all quarters thither sped
War-ships and men and haste was made
By the young god of the sword-blade,
The hero-viking of the wave,
His wide domain from foes to save.
With shining keels seven kings sailed on
To meet this raven-feeding one
When the clash came, the stunning sound
Was heard in Norway’s farthest bound
And sea-borne corpses, floating far,
Brought round the Naze news from the war.”

Earl Hakon sailed then with his fleet southwards around Stad: and when he heard that King Ragnfred with his army had gone towards Sogn, he turned there also with his men to meet him: and there Ragnfred and Hakon met. Hakon came to the land with his ships, marked out a battle-field with hazel branches for King [139] Ragnfred, and took ground for his own men in it. So it is told in the Vellekla:—

“In the fierce batle Ragnfred then
Met the grim foe of Vindland men,
And many a hero of great name
Fell in the sharp sword’s bloody game.
The wielder of fell Narve’s weapon,
The conquering hero, vallant Hakon,
Had laid his war-ships on the strand,
And ranged his warriors on the land.”

There was a great battle: but Earl Hakon, having by far the most people, gained the victory. It took place on the Thinganes, where Sogn and Hordaland meet.

King Rangfred fled to his ships, after 300 of his men had fallen. So it is said in the Vellekla:—

“Sharp was the battle-strife, I ween,—
Deadly and close it must have been,

Before, upon the bloody plain,
Three hundred corpses of the slain

Were stretched for the black raven’s prey,
And when the conquerors took their way
To the sea-shore, they had to tread
O’er piled-up heaps of foemen dead”

After this battle King Ragnfred fled from Norway; but Earl Hakon restored peace to the country, and allowed the great army which had followed him in summer to return home to the north country, and he himself remained in the south that harvest and winter (972).

22 Olaf Trygvason’s Marriage

While Olaf lay at Borgundarholm there came on bad weather, storm, and a heavy sea, so that his ships could not lie there; and he sailed southwards under Vindland, where they found a good harbour. They conducted themselves very peacefully, and remained some time. In Vindland there was then a king called Burizleif, who had three daughters,—Geira, Gunhild, and Astrid. The king’s daughter Geira had the power and government in that part where Olaf and his people landed, and Dixen was the name of the man who most usually advised Queen Geira. Now when they heard that unknown people were come to the country, who were of distinguished appearance, and conducted themselves peaceably, Dixen repaired to them with a message from Queen Geira, inviting the strangers to take up their winter abode with her; for the summer [144] was almost spent, and the weather was severe and stormy. Now when Dixen came to the place he soon saw that the leader was a distinguished man, both from family and personal appearance, and he told Olaf the queen’s invitation with the most kindly message. Olaf willingly accepted the invitation, and went in harvest (982) to Queen Geira. They liked each other exceedingly, and Olaf courted Queen Geira; and it was so settled that Olaf married her the same winter, and was ruler, along with Queen Geira, over her dominions. Halfred Vandredaskald tells of these matters in the lay he composed about King Olaf:—

“Why should the deeds the hero did
In Bornholm and the East he hid?

His deadly weapon Olaf bold
Dyed red: why should not this be told?”

25 Olaf Trygvason’s War Expedition

Olaf Trygvason had been all winter (982) in Vindland, as before related, and went the same winter to the baronies in Vindland which had formerly been under Queen Geira, but had withdrawn themselves from obedience and payment of taxes. There Olaf made war, killed many people, burnt out others, took much property, and laid all of them under subjection to him, and then went back to his castle. Early in spring Olaf rigged out his ships and set off to sea. He sailed to Skane and made a landing. The people of the country assembled, and gave him battle; but King Olaf conquered, and made a great booty. He then sailed eastward to the island of Gotland, where he captured a merchant vessel belonging to the people of Jamtaland. They made a brave defence; but the end of it was that Olaf cleared the deck, killed many of the men, and took all the goods. He had a third [146] battle in Gotland, in which he also gained the victory, and made a great booty. So says Halfred Vandredaskald:—

“The king, so fierce in battle-fray,
First made the Vindland men give way:

The Gotlanders must tremble next,
And Scania’s shores are sorely vexed
By the sharp pelting arrow shower
The hero and his warriors pour,
And then the Jamtaland men must fly,
Scared by his well-known battle-cry.”

26 Otta and Hakon in Battle

The Emperor Otta assembled a great army from Saxland, Frakland, Frisland, and Vindland. King Burizleif followed him with a large army, and in it was his son-in-law, Olaf Trygvason. The emperor had a great body of horsemen, and still greater of foot people, and a great army from Holstein. Harald, the Danish king, sent Earl Hakon with the army of Northmen that followed him southwards to Danavirke, to defend his kingdom on that side. So it is told in the “Vellekla:”—

“Over the foaming salt sea spray
The Norse sea-horses took their way.
Racing across the ocean-plain
Southwards to Denmark’s green domain.
The gallant chief of Hordaland
Sat at the helm with steady hand,
In casque and shield, his men to bring
From Dovre to his friend the king
He steered his war-ships o’er the wave
To help the Danish king to save
Mordalf, who, with a gallant band
Was hastening from the Jutes’ wild land,
Across the forest frontier rude.
With toil and pain through the thick wood
Glad was the Danish king, I trow,
When he saw Hakon’s galley’s prow
The monarch straightway gave command
To Hakon, with a steel-clad band,
To man the Dane-work’s rampart stout,
And keep the foreign foemen out.”

The Emperor Otta came with his army from the south to Danavirke, but Earl Hakon defended the rampart with his men. The Dane-work (Danavirke) was constructed in this way:—Two fjords run into the land, one on each side; and in the farthest bight of these fjords the Danes had made a great wall of stone, turf, and timber, and dug a deep and broad ditch in front of it, and had also built a [147] castle over each gate of it. There was a hard battle there, of which the “Vellekla” speaks:—

“Thick the storm of arrows flew,
Loud was the din, black was the view
Of close array of shield and spear
Of Vind, and Frank, and Saxon there.
But little recked our gallant men:
And loud the cry might be heard then
Of Norway’s brave sea-roving son—
‘On ‘gainst the foe! on! lead us on!’”

Earl Hakon drew up his people in ranks upon all the gate-towers of the wall, but the greater part of them he kept marching along the wall to make a defence wheresoever an attack was threatened. Many of the emperor’s people fell without making any impression on the fortification, so the emperor turned back without farther attempt at an assault on it. So it is said in the “Vellekla”:—

“They who the eagle’s feast provide
In ranked line fought side by side,

‘Gainst lines of war-men under shields
Close packed together on the fields.
Earl Hakon drives by daring deeds
These Saxons to their ocean-steeds,
And the young hero saves from fall
The Danavirke—the people’s wall.”

After this battle Earl Hakon went back to his ships, and intended to sail home to Norway; but he did not get a favourable wind, and lay for some time outside at Limafjord.

29 The Emperor Otta Returns Home

The Emperor Otta went back to his kingdom in the Saxon land, and parted in friendship with the Danish king. It is said that the Emperor Otta stood godfather to Svein, King Harald’s son, and gave him his name; so that he was baptized Otta Svein. King Harald held fast by his Christianity to his dying day.

King Burizleif went to Vindland, and his son-in-law King Olaf went with him. This battle is related also by Halfred Vandredaskald in his song on Olaf:—

“He who through the foaming surges
His white-winged ocean-coursers urges.
Hewed from the Danes, in armour dressed,
The iron bark off mail-clad breast.”

30 Olaf’s Journey From Vindland

Olaf Trygvason was three years in Vindland (982–984) when Geira his queen fell sick, and she died of her illness. Olaf felt his loss so great that he had no pleasure in Vindland after it. He provided himself, therefore, with war-ships, and went out again a plundering, and plundered first in Frisland, next in Saxland, and then all the way to Flæmingjaland (Flanders). So says Halfred Vandredaskald:—

“Olaf’s broad axe of shining steel
For the shy wolf left many a meal.

The ill-shaped Saxon corpses lay
Heaped up, the witch-wife’s horses’ prey
She rides by night – at pools of blood,
Where Frisland men in daylight stood,
Her horses slake their thirst, and fly
On to the field where Flemings he
The raven-friend in Odin’s dress—
Olaf, who foes can well repress,
Left Flemish flesh for many a meal
With his broad axe of shining steel.”

31 King Olaf’s Forays

Thereafter Olaf Trygvason sailed to England, and ravaged wide around in the land. He sailed all the way north to Northumberland, where he plundered; and thence to Scotland, where he marauded far and wide. Then he went to the Hebrides, where he fought some battles; and then southwards to Man, where he also fought. He ravaged far around in Ireland, and thence steered to Bretland, which he laid waste with fire and sword, and all the district called Cumberland. He sailed westward from thence to Valland, and marauded there. When he left the west, intending to sail to England, he came to the islands called the Scilly Isles, lying westward from England in the ocean. Thus tells Halfred Vandredaskald of these events:—

“The brave young king, who ne’er retreats,
The Englishman in England beats.

Death through Northumberland is spread
From battle-axe and broad spearhead.

Through Scotland with his spears he rides.
To Man his glancing ships he guides
Feeding the wolves where’er he came,
The young king drove a bloody game.
The gallant bowmen in the isles
Slew foemen, who lay heaped in piles.
The Irish fled at Olaf’s name—
Fled from a young king seeking fame.
In Bretland, and in Cumberland,
People against him could not stand:
Thick on the fields their corpses lay.
To ravens and howing wolves a prey.”

Olaf Trygvason had been four years on this cruise (985–988), from the time he left Vindland till he came to the Scilly Islands.

38 Harald Gormson’s Death

Svein, King Harald’s son, who afterwards was called Tjuguskeg (forked beard), asked his father King Harald for a part of his kingdom; but now, as before, Harald would not listen to dividing the Danish dominions, and giving him a kingdom. Svein collected ships of war, and gave out that he was going on a viking cruise; but [158] when all his men were assembled, and the Jomsborg viking Palnatoke had come to his assistance he ran into Sealand to Isafjord, where his father had been for some time with his ships ready to proceed on an expedition. Svein instantly gave battle, and the combat was severe. So many people flew to assist King Harald, that Svein was overpowered by numbers, and fled. But King Harald received a wound which ended in his death: and Svein was chosen King of Denmark. At this time Sigvalde was earl over Jomsborg in Vindland. He was a son of King Strutharald, who had ruled over Skane. Heming, and Thorkel the Tall, were Sigvalde’s brothers. Bue the Thick from Bornholm, and Sigurd his brother, were also chiefs among the Jomsborg vikings: and also Vagn, a son of Ake and Thorgunna, and a sister’s son of Bue and Sigurd. Earl Sigvalde had taken King Svein prisoner, and carried him to Vindland, to Jomsborg, where he had forced him to make peace with Burizleif, the king of the Vinds, and to take him as the peace-maker between them. Earl Sigvalde was married to Astrid, a daughter of King Burizleif; and told King Svein that if he did not accept of his terms, he would deliver him into the hands of the Vinds. The king knew that they would torture him to death, and therefore agreed to accept the earl’s mediation. The earl delivered this judgment between them—that King Svein should marry Gunhild, King Burizleif’s daughter; and King Burizleif again Thyre, a daughter of Harald, and King Svein’s sister; but that each party should retain their own dominions, and there should be peace between the countries. Then King Svein [159] returned home to Denmark with his wife Gunhild. Their sons were Harald and Knut (Canute) the Great. At that time the Danes threatened much to bring an army into Norway against Earl Hakon.

39 Vow of the Jomsborg Vikings

King Svein made a magnificent feast, to which he invited all the chiefs in his dominions; for he would give the succession-feast, or the heir-ship-ale, after his father Harald. A short time before, Strutharald in Skane, and Vesete in Bornholm, father to Bue the Thick and to Sigurd, had died; and King Svein sent word to the Jomsborg vikings that Earl Sigvalde and Bue, and their brothers, should come to him, and drink the funeral-ale for their fathers in the same feast the king was giving. The Jomsborg vikings came to the festival with their bravest men, forty ships of them from Vindland, and twenty ships from Skane. Great was the multitude of people assembled. The first day of the feast, before King Svein went up into his father’s high-seat, he drank the bowl to his father’s memory, and made the solemn vow, that before three winters were past he would go over with his army to England, and either kill King Adalrad (Ethelred), or chase him out of the country. This heir-ship bowl all who were at the feast drank. Thereafter for the chiefs of the Jomsborg vikings was filled and drunk the largest horn to be found, and of the strongest drink. When that bowl was emptied, all men drank Christ’s health; and again the fullest measure and the strongest drink were handed to the Jomsborg vikings. [160] The third bowl was to the memory of Saint Michael, which was drunk by all. Thereafter Earl Sigvalde emptied a remembrance bowl to his father’s honour, and made the solemn vow, that before three winters came to an end he would go to Norway, and either kill Earl Hakon, or chase him out of the country. Thereupon Thorkel the Tall, his brother, made a solemn vow to follow his brother Sigvalde to Norway, and not flinch from the battle so long as Sigvalde would fight there. Then Bue the Thick vowed to follow them to Norway, and not flinch so long as the other Jomsborg vikings fought. At last Vagn Akason vowed that he would go with them to Norway, and not return until he had slain Thorkel Leira, and gone to bed to his daughter Ingebjorg without her friends’ consent. Many other chiefs made solemn vows about different things. Thus was the heir-ship-ale drunk that day, but the next morning, when the Jomsborg vikings had selpt off their drink, they thought they had spoken more than enough. They held a meeting to consult how they should proceed with their undertaking, and they determined to fit out as speedily as possible for the expedition; and without delay ships and men-at-arms were prepared, and the news spread quickly.

96 Earl Eirik, the Son of Hakon

Earl Eirik, the son of Earl Hakon, and his brothers, with many other valiant men their relations, had left the country after Earl Hakon’s fall. Earl Eirik went eastwards to Svithjod, to Olaf, the Swedish king, and he and his people were well received. King Olaf gave the earl peace and freedom in the land, and great fiefs; so that he could support himself and his men well. Thord Kolbein-son speaks of this in the verses before given. Many people who fled from the country on account of King Olaf Trygvason came out of Norway to Earl Eirik; and the earl resolved to fit out ships and go a-cruising, in order to [222] get property for himself and his people. First he steered to Gotland, and lay there long in summer watching for merchant vessels sailing towards the land, or for vikings. Sometimes he landed and ravaged all round upon the sea-coasts. So it is told in the “Banda-drapa:”—

“Eirik, as we have lately heard,
Has waked the song of shield and sword,—
Has waked the slumbering storm of shields
Upon the vikings’ water-fields:
From Gotland’s lonely shore has gone
Far up the land, and battles won;
And o’er the sea his name is spread.
To friends a shield, to foes a dread.”

Afterwards Earl Eirik sailed south to Vindland, and at Stauren found some viking ships, and gave them battle. Eirik gained the victory, and slew the vikings. So it is told in the “Banda-drapa:”

“Earl Eirik, he who stoutly wields
The battle-axe in storm of shields,
With his long ships surprised the foe
At Stauren, and their strength laid low.
Many a corpse floats round the shore;
The strand with dead is studded o’er;
The raven tears their sea-bleached skins—
The land thrives well when Eirik wins.”

98 King Svein’s Marriage

The Danish king, Svein Tjuguskeg, was married to Gunhild, a daughter of Burizleif, king of the Vinds. But in the times we have just been speaking of it happened that Queen Gunhild fell sick and died. Soon after King Svein married Sigrid the Haughty, a daughter of Skoglar-toste, and mother of the Swedish king Olaf; and by means of this relationship there was great friendship between the kings and Earl Eirik, Hakon’s son.

99 King Burizleif’s Marriage

Burizleif, the king of the Vinds, complained to his [224] relation Earl Sigvalde, that the agreement was broken which Sigvalde had made between King Svein and King Burizleif, by which Burizleif was to get in marriage Thyre, Harald’s daughter, a sister of King Svein: but that marriage had not proceeded, for Thyre had given a positive no to the proposal to marry her to an old and heathen king. “Now,” said King Burizleif to Earl Sigvalde, “I must have the promise fulfilled.” And he told Earl Sigvalde to go to Denmark, and bring him Thyre as his queen. Earl Sigvalde loses no time, but goes to King Svein of Denmark; explains to him the case; and brings it so far by his persuasion, that the king delivered his sister Thyre into his hands. With her went some female attendants, and her foster-father, by name Ozur Agason, a man of great power, and some other people. In the agreement between the king and the earl, it was settled that Thyre should have in property the possessions which Queen Gunhild had enjoyed in Vindland, besides other great properties as bride-gifts. Thyre wept sorely, and went very unwillingly. When the earl came to Vindland, Burizleif held his wedding with Queen Thyre, and received her in marriage; but as long as she was among heathens she would neither eat nor drink with them, and this lasted for seven days.

100 Olaf Gets Thyre in Marriage

It happened one night that Queen Thyre and Ozur ran away in the dark, and into the woods, and, to be short in our story, came at last to Denmark. But here Thyre did not dare to remain, knowing that if her brother King [225] Svein heard of her, he would send her back directly to Vindland. She went on, therefore, secretly to Norway, and never stayed her journey until she fell in with King Olaf, by whom she was kindly received. Thyre related to the king her sorrows, and entreated his advice in her need, and protection in his kingdom. Thyre was a well-spoken woman, and the king had pleasure in her conversation. He saw she was a handsome woman, and it came into his mind that she would be a good match; so he turns the conversation that way, and asks if she will marry him. Now, as she saw that her situation was such that she could not help herself, and considered what a luck it was for her to marry so celebrated a man, she bade him to dispose himself of her hand and fate; and, after nearer conversation, King Olaf took Thyre in marriage. This wedding was held in harvest after the king returned from Halogaland (999), and King Olaf and Queen Thyre remained all winter (1000) at Nidaros.

The following spring Queen Thyre complained often to King Olaf, and wept bitterly over it, that she who had so great property in Vindland had no goods or possessions here in the country that were suitable for a queen; and sometimes she would entreat the king with fine words to get her property restored to her, and saying that King Burizleif was so great a friend of King Olaf that he would not deny King Olaf anything if they were to meet. But when King Olaf’s friends heard of such speeches, they dissuaded him from any such expedition. It is related that the king one day early in spring was walking in the street, and met a man in the market with many, and, for [226] that early season, remarkably large angelica roots. The king took a great stalk of the angelica in his hand, and went home to Queen Thyre’s lodging. Thyre sat in her room weeping as the king came in. The king said, “See here, queen, is a great angelica stalk, which I give thee.” She threw it away, and said, “A greater present Harald Gormson gave to my mother; and he was not afraid to go out of the land and take his own. That was shown when he came here to Norway, and laid waste the greater part of the land, and seized on all the scat and revenues; and thou darest not go across the Danish dominions for this brother of mine, King Svein.” As she spoke thus, King Olaf sprang up, and answered with a loud oath, “Never did I fear thy brother King Svein; and if we meet he shall give way before me!”

106 Olaf Sends Expedition to Vindland

King Olaf proceeded in summer with his ships and men southwards along the land (and past Stad. With him were Queen Thyre and Ingebjorg, Trygve’s daughter, the king’s sister). Many of his friends also joined him, and other persons of consequence who had prepared themselves to travel with the king. The first man among these was his brother-in-law, Erling Skjalgson, who had with him a large ship of thirty benches of rowers, and which was in every respect well equipt. His brothers-in-law Hyrning and Thorgeir also joined him, each of whom for himself steered a large vessel; and many other powerful men besides followed him. (With all this war-force he sailed southwards along the land; but when he came south as far as Rogaland he stopped there, for [232] Erling Skjalgson had prepared for him a splendid feast at Sole. There Earl Ragnvald, Ulf’s son, from Gautland, came to meet the king, and to settle the business which had been proposed in winter in the messages between them, namely, the marriage with Ingebjorg the king’s sister. Olaf received him kindly; and when the matter came to be spoken of, the king said he would keep his word, and marry his sister Ingebjorg to him, provided he would accept the true faith, and make all his subjects he ruled over in his land be baptized. The earl agreed to this, and he and all his followers were baptized. Now was the feast enlarged that Erling had prepared, for the earl held his wedding there with Ingebjorg the king’s sister. King Olaf had now married off all his sisters. The earl, with Ingebjorg, set out on his way home; and the king sent learned men with him to baptize the people in Gautland, and to teach them the right faith and morals. The king and the earl parted in the greatest friendship.)

107 Olaf’s Expedition to Vindland

(After his sister Ingebjorg’s wedding, the king made ready in all haste to leave the country with his army, which was both great and made up of fine men.) When he left the land and sailed southwards he had sixty ships of war, with which he sailed past Denmark, and in through the Sound, and on to Vindland. He appointed a meeting with King Burizleif; and when the kings met, they spoke about the property which King Olaf demanded, and the conference went off peaceably, as a good account was given of the properties which King Olaf thought [233] himself entitled to there. He passed here much of the summer, and found many of his old friends.

108 Conspiracy Against King Olaf

The Danish king, Svein Tjuguskeg, was married, as before related, to Sigrid the Haughty. Sigrid was King Olaf Trygvason’s greatest enemy; the cause of which, as before said, was that King Olaf had broken off with her, and had struck her in the face. She urged King Svein much to give battle to King Olaf Trygvason; saying that he had reason enough, as Olaf had married his sister Thyre without his leave, “and that your predecessors would not have submitted to.” Such persuasions Sigrid had often in her mouth; and at last she brought it so far that Svein resolved firmly on doing so. Early in spring King Svein sent messengers eastward into Svithjod, to his son-in-law Olaf, the Swedish king, and to Earl Eirik; and informed them that King Olaf of Norway was levying men for an expedition, and intended in summer to go to Vindland. To this news the Danish king added an invitation to the Swedish king and Earl Eirik to meet King Svein with an army, so that all together they might make an attack on King Olaf Trygvason. The Swedish king and Earl Eirik were ready enough for this, and immediately assembled a great fleet and an army through all Svithjod, with which they sailed southwards to Denmark, and arrived there after King Olaf Trgyvason had sailed to the eastward. Haldor the Unchristian tells of this in his lay on Earl Eirik:—

“The king-subduer raised a host
Of warriors on the Swedish coast.

The brave went southwards to the fight,
Who love the sword-storm’s gleaming light;
The brave, who fill the wild wolf’s mouth,
Followed bold Eirik to the south;
The brave, who sport in blood—each one
With the bold earl to sea is gone.”

The Swedish king and Earl Eirik sailed to meet the Danish king, and they had all, when together, an immense force.

109 Earl Sigvalde’s Treacherous Plans

At the same time that King Svein sent a message to Svithjod for an army, he sent Earl Sigvalde to Vindland to spy out King Olaf Trygvason’s proceedings, and to bring it about by cunning devices that King Svein and King Olaf should fall in with each other. So Sigvalde sets out to go to Vindland. First, he came to Jomsborg, and then he sought out King Olaf Trygvason. There was much friendship in their conversation, and the earl got himself into great favour with the king. Astrid, the Earl’s wife, King Burizleif’s daughter, was a great friend of King Olaf Trygvason, particularly on acount of the connection which had been between them when Olaf was married to her sister Geira. Earl Sigvalde was a prudent, ready-minded man; and as he had got a voice in King Olaf’s council, he put him off much from sailing homewards, finding various reasons for delay. Olaf’s people were in the highest degree dissatisfied with this; for the men were anxious to get home, and they lay ready to sail, waiting only for a wind. At last Earl Sigvalde got a secret message from Denmark that the Swedish king’s army was arrived from the east, and that Earl Eirik’s also was ready; and that all these chiefs had [235] resolved to sail eastwards to Vindland, and wait for King Olaf at an island which is called Svold. They also desired the earl to contrive matters so that they should meet King Olaf there.

110 King Olaf’s Voyage From Vindland

There came first a flying report to Vindland that the Danish king, Svein, had fitted out an army; and it was soon whispered that he intended to attack King Olaf. But Earl Sigvalde says to King Olaf, “It never can be King Svein’s intention to venture with the Danish force alone, to give battle to thee with such a powerful army; but if thou hast any suspicion that evil is on foot, I will follow thee with my force (at that time is was considered a great matter to have Jomsborg vikings with an army), and I will give thee eleven well-manned ships.” The king accepted this offer; and as the light breeze of wind that came was favourable, he ordered the ships to get under weigh, and the war-horns to sound the departure. The sails were hoisted; and all the small vessels, sailing fastest, got out to sea before the others. The earl, who sailed nearest to the king’s ship, called to those on board to tell the king to sail in his keel-track: “For I know where the water is deepest between the islands and in the sounds, and these large ships require the deepest.” Then the earl sailed first with his eleven ships, and the king followed with his large ships, also eleven in number; but the whole of the rest of the fleet sailed out to sea. Now when Earl Sigvalde came sailng close under the island Svold, a skiff rowed out to inform the earl that the Danish [236] king’s army was lying in the harbour before them. Then the earl ordered the sails of his vessels to be struck, and they rowed in under the island. Haldor the Unchristian says:—

“From out the south bold Trytgve’s son
With one-and-seventy ships came on,
To dye his sword in bloody fight,

Against the Danish foeman’s might.
But the false earl the king betrayed;
And treacherous Sigvalde, it is said,
Deserted from King Olaf’s fleet,
And basely fled, the Danes to meet.”

It is said here that King Olaf and Earl Sigvalde had seventy sail of vessels and one more, when they sailed from the south.

122 Report Among the People

Earl Sigvalde, as before related, came from Vindland, in company with King Olaf, with ten ships; but the eleventh ship was manned with the men of Astrid, the king’s daughter, the wife of Earl Sigvalde. Now when King Olaf sprang overboard, the whole army raised a shout of victory; and then Earl Sigvalde and his men put their oars in the water and rowed towards the battle. Haldor the Unchristian tells of it thus:—

“Then first the Vindland vessels came
Into the fight with little fame;

The fight still lingered on the wave,
Tho’ hope was gone with Olaf brave.
War, like a full-fed ravenous beast,
Still oped her grim jaws for the feast.
The few who stood now quickly fled,
When the shout told—‘Olaf is dead!’”

But the Vindland cutter, in which Astrid’s men were, rowed back to Vindland; and the report went immediately abroad and was told by many, that King Olaf had cast off his coat-of-mail under water, and had swum, diving under the long-ships, until he came to the Vindland cutter, and that Astrid’s men had conveyed him to Vindland: and many tales have been made since about the adventures of Olaf the king. Halfred speaks thus about it:—

“Does Olaf live? or is he dead?
Has he the hungry ravens fed?
I scarcely know what I should say,
For many tell the tale each way.
This I can say, nor fear to lie,
That he was wounded grievously—
So wounded in this bloody strife,
He scarce could come away with life.”

But however this may have been, King Olaf Trygvason never came back again to his kingdom of Norway. Halfred Vandredaskald speaks also thus about it:—

“The witness who reports this thing
Of Trygvason, our gallant king,
Once served the king, and truth should tell,
For Olaf hated lies like hell.
If Olaf ‘scaped from this sword-thing,
Worse fate, I fear, befel our king
Than people guess, or e’er can know,
For he was hemm’d in by the foe.
From the far east some news is rife
Of king sore wounded saving life;
His death, too sure, leaves me no care
For cobweb rumours in the air.
It never was the will of fate
That Olaf from such perilous strait
Should ‘scape with life! this truth may grieve—
‘What people wish they soon believe.’”

SAGA OF OLAF HARALDSON

89 Of the Swedish King’s Children

This Swedish king, Olaf Eirikson, had first a concubine who was called Edla, a daughter of an earl of Vindland, who had been captured in war, and therefore was called the king’s slave-girl. Their children were Emund, Astrid, Holmfrid…. They had, besides, a son, who was born the day before St. Jacob’s-day. When the boy was to be christened the bishop called him Jacob, which the Swedes did not like, as there never had been a Swedish king called Jacob. All King Olaf’s children were handsome in appearance, and clever from childhood. The queen was proud, and did not behave well towards her step-children; therefore the king sent his son [367] Emund to Vindland, to be fostered by his mother’s relations, where he for a long time neglected his Christianity. The king’s daughter, Astrid, was brought up in West Gautland, in the house of a worthy man called Egil. She was a very lovely girl: her words came well into her conversation; she was merry, but modest, and very generous. When she was grown up she was often in her father’s house, and every man thought well of her. King Olaf was haughty and harsh in his speech. He took very ill the uproar and clamour the country people had raised against him at the Upsala Thing, as they had threatened him with violence, for which he laid the chief blame on Earl Ragnvald. He made no preparation for the bridal, according to the agreement to marry his daughter Ingegerd to Olaf the king of Norway, and to meet him on the borders for that purpose. As the summer advanced many of his men were anxious to know what the king’s intentions were; whether to keep to the agreement with King Olaf, or break his word, and with it the peace of the country. But no one was so bold as to ask the king, although they complained of it to Ingegerd, and besought her to find out what the king intended. She replied, “I have no inclination to speak to the king again about the matters between him and King Olaf; for he answered me ill enough once before when I brought forward Olaf’s name.” In the meantime Ingegerd, the king’s daughter, took it to heart, became melancholy and sorrowful, and yet very curious to know what the king intended. She had much suspicion that he would not keep his word and promise to King Olaf; [368] for he appeared quite enraged whenever Olaf the Thick’s name was in any way mentioned.

96 History of the Lagman Emund

There was a man called Emund of Skara, who was lagman of West Gautland, and was a man of great understanding and eloquence, and of high birth, great connection, and very wealthy; but was considered deceitful, and not to be trusted. He was the most powerful man in West Gautland after the earl was gone. The same spring (1019) that Earl Ragnvald left Gautland the Gautland people held a Thing among themselves, and often expressed their anxiety to each other about what the Swedish king might do. They heard he was incensed because they had rather held in friendship with the king of Norway than striven against him; and he was also enraged against those who had attended his daughter Astrid to Norway. Some proposed to seek help and support from the king of Norway, and to offer him their services; others dissuaded from this measure, as West Gautland had no strength to oppose to the Swedes. “And the king of Norway,” said they, “is far from us, the chief strength of his country very distant; and therefore let us first send men to the Swedish king to attempt to come to some reconciliation with him. If that fail, we can still turn to the king of Norway.” Then the bondes asked Emund [380] to undertake this mission, to which he agreed; and he proceeded with thirty men to East Gautland, where there were many of his relations and friends, who received him hospitably. He conversed there with the most prudent men about this difficult business; and they were all unanimous on one point,—that the king’s treatment of them was against law and reason. From thence Emund went into Svithjod, and conversed with many men of consequence, who all expressed themselves in the same way. Emund continued his journey thus, until one day, towards evening, he arrived at Upsala, where he and his retinue took a good lodging, and stayed there all night. The next day Emund waited upon the king, who was just then sitting in the Thing surrounded by many people. Emund went before him, bent his knee, and saluted him. The king looked at him, saluted him, and asked him what news he brought.

Emund replies, “There is little news among us Gautlanders; but it appears to us a piece of remarkable news that the proud, stupid Atte, in Vermaland, whom we look upon as a great sportsman, went up to the forest in winter with his snow-shoes and his bow. After he had got as many furs in the mountains as filled his hand-sledge so full that he could scarcely drag it, he returned home from the woods. But on the way he saw a squirrel in the trees, and shot at it, but did not hit; at which he was so angry, that he left the sledge to run after the squirrel: but still the squirrel sprang where the wood was thickest, sometimes among the roots of the trees, sometimes in the branches, sometimes among the arms that stretch from [381] tree to tree. When Atte shot at it the arrows flew too high or too low, and the squirrel never jumped so that Atte could get a fair aim at him. He was so eager upon this chase that he ran the whole day after the squirrel, and yet could not get hold of it. It was now getting dark; so he threw himself down upon the snow, as he was wont, and lay there all night in a heavy snow-storm. Next day Atte got up to look after his sledge, but never did he find it again; and so he returned home. And this is the only news, king, I have to tell.”

The king says, “This is news of but little importance, if it be all thou hast to tell.”

Emund replies, “Lately something happened which may well be called news. Gaute Tofason went with five war-ships out of the Gaut river, and when he was lying at the Eikrey Isles there came five large Danish merchant-ships there. Gaute and his men immediately took four of the great vessels, and made a great booty without the loss of a man; but the fifth vessel slipped out to sea, and sailed away. Gaute gave chase with one ship, and at first came nearer to them; but as the wind increased, the Danes got away. Then Gaute wanted to turn back; but a storm came on so that he lost his ship at Hlesey, with all the goods, and the greater part of his crew. In the meantime his people were waiting for him at the Eikrey Isles; but the Danes came over in fifteen merchant-ships, killed them all, and took all the booty they had made. So but little luck had they with their greed of plunder.”

The king replied, “That is great news, and worth being told; but what now is thy errand here?”

Emund replies, “I travel, sire, to obtain your judgment in a difficult case, in which our law and the Upsala law do not agree.”

The king asks, “What is thy appeal case?”

Emund replies, “There were two noble-born men of equal birth, but unequal in property and disposition. They quarrelled about some land, and did each other much damage; but most was done to him who was the more powerful of the two. This quarrel, however, was settled, and judged of at a General Thing; and the judgment was, that the most powerful should pay a compensation. But at the first payment, instead of paying a goose, he paid a gosling; for an old swine he paid a sucking pig; and for a mark of stamped gold only a half-mark, and for the other half-mark nothing but clay and dirt; and, moreover, threatened, in the most violent way, the people whom he forced to receive such goods in payment. Now, sire, what is your judgment?”

The king replies, “He shall pay the full equivalent whom the judgment ordered to do so, and that faithfully; and further, threefold to his king: and if payment be not made within a year and a day, he shall be cut off from all his property, his goods confiscated, and half go the king’s house, and half to the other party.”

Emund took witnesses to this judgment among the most considerable of the men who were present, according to the laws which were held in the Upsala Thing. He then saluted the king, and went his way; and other men brought their cases before the king, and he sat late in the day upon the cases of the people. Now when [383] the king came to table, he asked where Lagman Emund was. It was answered, he was home at his lodgings. “Then,” said the king, “go after him, and tell him to be my guest to-day.” Thereafter the dishes were borne in; then came the musicians with harps, fiddles, and musical instruments; and lastly, the cup-bearers. The king was particularly merry, and had many great people at table with him, so that he thought little of Emund. The king drank the whole day, and slept all the night after; but in the morning the king awoke, and recollected what Emund had said the day before: and when he had put on his clothes, he let his wise men be summoned to him; for he had always twelve of the wisest men who sat in judgment with him, and treated the more difficult cases; and that was no easy business, for the king was ill-pleased if the judgment was not according to justice, and yet it was of no use to contradict him. In this meeting the king ordered Lagman Emund to be called before them. The messenger returned, and said, “Sire, Lagman Emund rode away yesterday as soon as he had dined.” “Then,” said the king, “tell me, ye good chiefs, what may have been the meaning of that law-case which Emund laid before us yesterday?”

They replied, “You must have considered it yourself, if you think there was any other meaning under it than what he said.”

The king replied, “By the two noble-born men whom he spoke of, who were at variance, and of whom one was more powerful than the other, and who did each other damage, he must have meant us and Olaf the Thick.”

They answered, “It is, sire, as you say.”

The king— “Our case was judged at the Upsala Thing. But what was his meaning when he said that bad payment was made; namely, a gosling for a goose, a pig for a swine, and clay and dirt for half of the money instead of gold?”

Arnvid the Blind replied, “Sire, red gold and clay are things very unlike; but the difference is still greater between king and slave. You promised Olaf the Thick your daughter Ingegerd, who, in all branches of her descent, is born of kings, and of the Upland Swedish race of kings, which is the most noble in the North; for it is traced up to the gods themselves. But now Olaf has got Astrid; and although she is a king’s child, her mother was but a slave-woman, and, besides, of Vindish race. Great difference, indeed, must there be between these kings, when the one takes thankfully such a match; and now it is evident, as might be expected, that no Northman is to be placed by the side of the Upsala kings. Let us all give thanks that it has so turned out; for the gods have long protected their descendants, although many now neglect this faith.”

There were three brothers:—Arnvid the Blind, who had a great understanding, but was so weak-sighted that he was scarcely fit for war; the second was Thorvid the Stammerer, who could not utter two words together at one time, but was remarkably bold and courageous; the third was Freyvid the Deaf, who was hard of hearing. All these brothers were rich and powerful men, of noble birth, great wisdom, and all very dear to the king.

Then said King Olaf, “What means that which Emund said about Atte the Dull?”

None made any reply, but the one looked at the other.

“Speak freely,” said the king.

Then said Thorvid the Stammerer, “Atte—quarrelsome—greedy—jealous—deceitful—dull.”

Then said the king, “To whom are these words of reproach and mockery applied?”

Freyvid the Deaf replied, “We will speak more clearly if we have your permission.”

The king— “Speak freely, Freyvid, what you will.”

Freyvid took up the word, and spoke. “My brother Thorvid, who is considered to be the wisest of us brothers, holds the words ‘quarrelsome, greedy, jealous, dull,’ to be one and the same thing; for it applies to him who is weary of peace, longs for small things without attaining them, while he lets great and useful things pass away as they came. I am deaf; yet so loud have many spoken out, that I can perceive that all men, both great and small, take it ill that you have not kept your promise to the king of Norway; and, worse than that, that you broke the decision of the community as it was delivered at Upsala Thing. You need not fear either the king of Norway, or the king of Denmark, or any other, so long as the Swedish army will follow you: but if the people of the country unanimously turn against you, we, your friends, see no counsel that can be of advantage to you.”

The king asks. “Who is the chief who dares to betray the country and me?”

Freyvid replies, “All Swedes desire to have the ancient [386] laws, and their full rights. Look but here, sire, how many chiefs are sitting in council with you. I think, in truth, we are but six whom you call your councillors: all the others, so far as I know, have ridden forth through the districts to hold Things with the people; and we will not conceal it from you, that the message-token has gone forth to assemble a Retribution-thing.1 All of us brothers have been invited to take part in the decisions of this council, but none of us will bear the name of traitor to the sovereign; for that our father never was.”

Then the king said, “What council shall we take in this dangerous affair that is in our hands? Good chiefs give me council, that I may keep my kingdom, and the heritage of my forefathers; for I cannot enter into strife against the whole Swedish force.”

Arnvid the Blind replies, “Sire, it is my advice that you ride down to Aros with such men as will follow you; take your ship there, and go out into the Mæler lake; summon all people to meet you; proceed no longer with haughtiness, but promise every man the law and rights of old established in the country; keep back in this way the message-token, for it cannot as yet, in so short a time, have travelled far through the land. Send, then, those of your men in whom you have the most confidence to those who have this business on hand, and try if this uproar can be appeased.”

The king says that he will adopt this advice. “I will,” says he, “that ye brothers undertake this business; for I trust to you the most among my men.”

Thorvid the Stammerer said, “I remain behind. Let Jacob, your son, go with them, for that is necessary.”

Then said Freyvid, “Let us do as Thorvid says: he will not leave you, and I and Arnvid must travel.”

This counsel was followed. Olaf went to his ships, and set out into the Mælar lake, and many people came to him. The brothers Arnvid and Freyvid rode out to Ullaraker, and had with them the king’s son Jacob; but they kept it a secret that he was there. The brothers observed that there was a great concourse and war-gathering, for the bondes held the Thing night and day. When Arnvid and Freyvid met their relations and friends, they said they would join with the people; and many agreed to leave the management of the business in the hands of the brothers. But all, as one man, declared they would no longer have King Olaf over them, and no longer suffer his unlawful proceedings, and over-weening pride which would not listen to any man’s remonstrances, even when the great chiefs spoke the truth to him. When Freyvid observed the heat of the people, he saw in what a bad situation the king’s cause was. He summoned the chiefs of the land to a meeting with him, and addressed them thus:—“It appears to me, that if we are to depose Olaf Eirikson from his kingdom, we Swedes of the Uplands should be the leading men in it; for so it has always been, that the counsel which the Upland chiefs have resolved among themselves has always been followed by the men of the rest of the country. Our forefathers did not need to take advice from the West Gautlanders about the government of the Swedes. Now we will not be so degencrate [388] as to need Emund to give us counsel; but let us, friends and relations, unite ourselves for the purpose of coming to a determination.” All agreed to this, and thought it was well said. Thereafter the people joined this union which the Upland chiefs made among themselves, and Freyvid and Arnvid were chiefs of the whole assemblage. When Emund heard this he suspected how the matter would end, and went to both the brothers to have a conversation with them. Then Freyvid asked Emund, “Who, in your opinion, should we take for king, in case Olaf Eirikson’s days are at an end?”

Emund— “He whom we think best suited to it, whether he be of the race of chiefs or not.”

Freyvid answers, “We Uplanders will not, in our time, have the kingdom go out of the old race of our ancestors, which has given us kings for a long course of generations, so long as we have so good a choice as now. King Olaf has two sons, one of whom we will choose for king, although there is a great difference between them. The one is noble-born, and of Swedish race on both sides; the other is a slave-woman’s son, and of Vindish race on the mother’s side.”

This decision was received with loud applause, and all would have Jacob for king.

Then said Emund, “Ye Upland Swedes have the power this time to determinate the matter; but I will tell you what will happen:—some of those who now will listen to nothing but that the kingdom remain in the old race will live to see the day when they will wish the kingdom in another race, as being of more advantage.”

Thereupon the brothers Freyvid and Arnvid led the king’s son Jacob into the Thing, and saluted him with the title of king; and the Swedes gave him the name of Onund, which he afterwards retained as long as he lived. He was then ten or twelve years old. Thereafter King Onund took a court, and chose chiefs to be around him; and they had as many attendants in their suite as were thought necessary, so that he gave the whole assemblage of bondes leave to return home. After that ambassadors went between the two kings; and at last they had a meeting, and came to an agreement. Olaf was to remain king over the country as long as he lived; but should hold peace and be reconciled with King Olaf of Norway, and also with all who had taken part in this business. Onund should also be king, and have a part of the land, such as the father and son should agree upon; but should be bound to support the bondes in case King Olaf did anything which the bondes would not suffer.

252 Of the Beginning of King Svein Alfifason’s Government

Svein, a son of King Canute, and of Alfifa, a daughter of Earl Alfrin, had been appointed to govern Jomsborg in Vindland. There came a message to him from his father King Canute, that he should come to Denmark; and likewise that afterwards he should proceed to Norway, and take that kingdom under his charge, and assume, at the same time, the title of king of Norway. Svein repaired to Denmark, and took many people with him from thence, and also Earl Harald and many other people of consequence attended him. Thorarin Loftunga speaks of this in the song he composed about King Svein, called the Glelogn song:—

“‘Tis told by fame,
How grandly came
The Danes to tend
Their young king Svein
Grandest was he,
That all could see;
Then, one by one,
Each following man
More splendour wore
Than him before”

Then Svein proceeded to Norway, and his mother Alfifa was with him; and he was taken to be king at every Law-thing in the country. He had already come as far as Viken at the time the battle was fought at Stiklestad, and King Olaf fell. Svein continued his journey until he came north, in autumn, to the Throndhjem country; and there, as elsewhere, he was received as king.

SAGA OF MAGNUS THE GOOD

24 Svein Ulfson Created an Earl

One day, as King Magnus sat in his high-seat and many people were around him, Svein Ulfson sat upon a footstool before the king. The king then made a speech:—“Be it known to you, chiefs, and the people in general, that I have taken the following resolution. Here is a distinguished man, both for family and for his own merits, Svein Ulfson, who has entered into my service, and given me promise of fidelity. Now, as ye know, the Danes have this summer become my men, so that when I am absent from the country it is without a head; and it is not unknown to you how it is ravaged by the people of Vindland, Kurland, and others from the Baltic, as well as by Saxons. Therefore I promised them a chief who could defend and rule their land; and I know no man better fitted, in all respects, for this than Svein Ulfson, who is of birth to be chief of the country. I will therefore make him my earl, and give him the government of my Danish dominions while I am in Norway; just as King Canute the Great set his father, Earl Ulf, over Denmark while he was in England.”

Then Einar Tambaskelfer said, “Too great an earl—too great an earl, my foster-son!”

The king replied in a passion, “Ye have a poor opinion [673] of my judgment, I think. Some consider that ye are too great earls, and others that ye are fit for nothing.”

Then the king stood up, took a sword, and girt it on the earl’s loins, and took a shield and fastened it on his shoulders, put a helmet upon his head, and gave him the title of earl, with the same fiefs in Denmark which his father Earl Ulf had formerly held. Afterwards a shrine was brought forth containing holy relics, and Svein laid his hand hereon, and swore the oath of fidelity to King Magnus; upon which the king led the earl to the high-seat by his side. So says Thiodolf:—

‘“Twas at the Gaut river’s shore,
With hand on shrine Svein Ulfson swore.
King Magnus first said o’er the oath,
With which Svein Ulfson pledged his troth.
The vows by Svein solemnly giver,
On holy bones of saints in heaven,
To Magnus seemed both fair and fast:
He found they were too fair to last.”

Earl Svein went thereafter to Denmark, and the whole nation received him well. He established a court about him, and soon became a great man. In winter (1043), he went much about the country, and made friends among the powerful chiefs; and, indeed, he was beloved by all the people of the land.

25 King Magnus’s Foray

King Magnus proceeded northward to Norway with his fleet, and wintered there; but when the spring set in (1043) he gathered a large force, with which he sailed south to Denmark, having heard the news from Vindland that the Vindland people in Jomsborg had withdrawn from their submission to him. The Danish kings had formerly had a very large earldom there, and they first founded [674] Jomsborg; and now the place was become a very strong fortress. When King Magnus heard of this, he ordered a large fleet and army to be levied in Denmark, and sailed in summer to Vindland with all his forces, which made a very large army altogether. Arnor, the earls’ skald, tells of it thus:—

“Now in this strophe, royal youth!
I tell no more than the plain truth.
Thy armed outfit from the strand
Left many a keel-trace on the sand,
And never did a king before
So many ships to any shore
Lead on, as thou to Vindland’s isle:
The Vindland men in fright recoil.”

Now when King Magnus came to Vindland he attacked Jomsborg, and soon took the fortress, killing many people, burning and destroying both in the town and in the country all around, and making the greatest havoc. So says Arnor, the earl’s skald:

“The robbers, hemmed ‘twixt death and fire,
Knew not how to escape thy ire:
O’er Jomsborg castle’s highest towers
Thy wrath the whirlwind-fire pours.
The heathen on his false gods calls,
And trembles even in their halls;
And by the light from its own flame
The king this viking-hold o’ercame.”

Many people in Vindland submitted to King Magnus, but many more got out of the way and fled. King Magnus returned to Denmark, and prepared to take his winter abode there, and sent away the Danish, and also a great many of the Norwegian people he had brought with him.

27 Of King Magnus’s Military Force

King Magnus heard this news, and at the same time that the people of Vindland had a large force on foot. He summoned people therefore to come to him, and drew together a great army in Jutland. Otto, also, the Duke of Brunsvik, who had married Ulfhild, King Olaf the Saint’s daughter, and the sister of King Magnus, came to him with a great troop. The Danish chiefs pressed King Magnus to advance against the Vindland army, and not allow pagans to march over and lay waste the country; so it was resolved that the king with his army should proceed south to Heidaby. While King Magnus lay at Skotborg river, on Hlyrskog Heath, he got intelligence concerning [676] the Vindland army, and that it was so numerous it could not be counted; whereas King Magnus had so few, that there seemed no chance for him but to fly. The king, however, determined on fighting, if there was any possibility of gaining the victory; but the most dissuaded him from venturing on an engagement, and all, as one man, said that the Vindland people had undoubtedly a prodigious force. Duke Otto, however, pressed much to go to battle. Then the king ordered the whole army to be gathered by the war trumpets into battle array, and ordered all the men to arm, and to lie down for the night under their shields; for he was told the enemy’s army had come to the neighbourhood. The king was very thoughtful; for he was vexed that he should be obliged to fly, which fate he had never experienced before. He slept but little all night, and chanted his prayers.

28 Of King Olaf’s Miracle

The following day was Michaelmas eve. Towards dawn the king slumbered, and dreamt that his father, King Olaf the Saint, appeared to him, and said, “Art thou so melancholy and afraid, because the Vindland people come against thee with a great army? Be not afraid of heathens, although they be many; for I shall be with thee in the battle. Prepare, therefore, to give battle to the Vindlanders, when thou hearest my trumpet.” When the king awoke he told his dream to his men, and the day was then dawning. At that moment all the people heard a ringing of bells in the air; and those among King Magnus’s men who had been in Nidaros thought that it was the [677] ringing of the bell called Glod, which King Olaf had presented to the church of Saint Clement in the town of Nidaros.

29 Battle of Hlyrskog Heath

Then King Magnus stood up, and ordered the war trumpets to sound, and at that moment the Vindland army advanced from the south across the river against him; on which the whole of the king’s army stood up, and advanced against the heathens. King Magnus threw off from him his coat of ring-mail, and had a red silk shirt outside over his clothes, and had in his hands the battle-axe called Hel1, which had belonged to King Olaf. King Magnus ran on before all his men to the enemy’s army, and instantly hewed down with both hands every man who came against him. So says Arnor, the earls’ skald:—

“His armour on the ground be flung
His broad axe round his head he swung;
And Norway’s king strode on in might,
Through ringing swords, to the wild fight.
His broad axe Hel with both hands wielding,
Shields, helms, and skulls before it yielding,
He seemed with Fate the world to share,
And life or death to deal out there.”

This battle was not very long; for the king’s men were very fiery, and where they came the Vindland men fell as thick as tangles heaped up by the waves on the strand. They who stood behind betook themselves to flight, and were hewed down like cattle at a slaughter. The king himself drove the fugitives eastward over the heath, and people fell all over the moor. So says Thiodolf:—

“And foremost he pursued,
And the flying foe down hewed;
An eagle’s feast each stroke,
As the Vindland helms he broke.
He drove them o’er the heath,
And they fly from bloody death;
But the moor, a mile or more,
With the dead was studded o’er.”

It is a common saying, that there never was so great a slaughter of men in the northern lands, since the time of Christianity, as took place among the Vindland people on Hlyrskog’s Heath. On the other side, not many of King Magnus’s people were killed, although many were wounded. After the battle the king ordered the wounds of his men to be bound; but there were not so many doctors in the army as were necessary, so the king himself went round, and felt the hands of those he thought best suited for the business; and when he had thus stroked their palms he named twelve men, who, he thought, had the softest hands, and told them to bind the wounds of the people; and although none of them had ever tried it before, they all became afterwards the best of doctors. There were two Iceland men among them; the one was Thorkil, a son of Geire, from Lyngar; the other was Atle, father of Bard Svarte of Selardal, from whom many good doctors are descended. After this battle, the report of the miracle which King Olaf the Saint had worked was spread widely through the country; and it was the common saying of the people, that no man could venture to fight against King Magnus Olafson, for his father Saint Olaf stood so near to him that his enemies, on that account, never could do him harm.

36 Of King Magnus’s Battles

King Magnus remained in Denmark all that winter (1046), and sat in peace. He had held many battles, and had gained the victory in all. So says Od Kikinaskald:—

“Fore Michaelmas was struck the blow
That laid the Vindland vikings low;
And people learned with joy to hear
The clang of arms, and leaders’ cheer.
Short before Yule fell out the day,
Southward of Aros, where the fray.
Though not enough the foe to quell.
Was of the bloodiest men can tell.”

And Arnor says:—

“Olaf’s avenger who can sing?
The skald cannot o’ertake the king.
Who makes the war-bird daily drain
The corpse-blood of his foemen slain.
Four battles won within a year,—
Breaker of shields! with sword and spear,
And hand to hand, exalt thy fame
Above the kings of greatest name.”

King Magnus had three battles with Svein Ulfson. So says Thiodolf:—

“To our brave Throndhjem sovereign’s praise
The skald may all his skaldcraft raise;
For fortune, and for daring deed.
His song will not the truth exceed.
After three battles to regain
What was his own, unjustly ta’en,
Unjustly kept, and dues denied,
He levied dues in red-blood dyed.”

SAGA OF HARALD HARDRADE

50 Hakon’s Journey to Denmark

Hakon then went out of the country with a well-manned [741] ship. When he came to Denmark he went immediately to his relative, King Svein, who received him honourably and gave him great fiefs. Hakon became King Svein’s commander of the coast defence against the vikings,—the Vindland people, Kurland people, and others from the East countries.—who infested the Danish dominions; and he lay out with his ships of war both winter and summer.

SAGA OF SIGURD THE CRUSADER AND HIS BROTHERS EYSTEIN AND OLAF

39 King Olaf’s Miracle with a Prisoner

The heathens took prisoner a young man of Danish family and carried him to Vindland, where he was in fetters along with other prisoners. In the day-time he was alone in irons, without a guard; but at night a peasant’s son was beside him in the chain, that he might not escape from them. This poor man never got sleep or rest from vexation and sorrow, and considered in many ways what could help him; for he had a great dread of slavery, and was pining with hunger and torture. He could not again [899]expect to be ransomed by his friends, as they had already restored him twice from heathen lands with their own money; and he well knew that it would be difficult and expensive for them to submit a third time to this burden. It is well with the man who does not undergo so much in the world as this man knew he had suffered. He saw but one way; and that was to get off and escape if he could. He resolved upon this in the night-time, killed the peasant, and cut his foot off after killing him: and set off to the forest with the chain upon his leg. Now when the people knew this, soon after daylight in the morning, they pursued him with two dogs accustomed to trace any one who escaped, and to find him in the forest however carefully he might be concealed. They got him into their hands and beat him, and did him all kinds of mischief; and dragging him home, left barely alive, and showed him no mercy. They tortured him severely; put him in a dark room, in which there lay already sixteen Chistian men; and bound him both with iron and other tyings, as fast as they could. Then he began to think that the misery and pain he had endured before were but shadows to his present sufferings. He saw no man before his eyes in this prison who would beg for mercy for him; no one had compassion on his wretchedness, except the Christian men who lay bound with him, who sorrowed with him, and bemoaned his fate together with their own misfortunes and helplessness. One day they advised him to make a vow to the holy King Olaf, to devote himself to some office in his sacred house, if he, by God’s compassion and Saint Olaf’s prayers could get away from this prison. He gladly [900] agreed to this, and made a vow and prepared himself for the situation they mentioned to him. The night after he thought in his sleep that he saw a man, not tall, standing at his side, who spoke to him thus, “Here, thou wretched man, why dost thou not get up?”

He replied, “Sir, who are you?”

“I am King Olaf, on whom thou hast called.”

“Oh, my good lord! gladly would I raise myself; but I lie bound with iron and with chains on my legs, and also the other men who lie here.”

Thereupon the king accosts him with the words, “Stand up at once and be not afraid; for thou art loose.”

He awoke immediately, and told his comrades what had appeared to him in his dream. They told him to stand up, and try if it was true. He stood up, and observed that he was loose. Now said his fellow-prisoners, this would help him but little, for the door was locked both on the inside and on the outside. Then an old man who sat there in a deplorable condition put in his word, and told him not to doubt the mercy of the man who had loosened his chains: “For he has wrought this miracle on thee that thou shouldst enjoy his mercy, and hereafter be free, without suffering more misery and torture. Make haste, then, and seek the door; and if thou are able to slip out, thou art saved.”

He did so, found the door open, slipped out, and away to the forest. As soon as the Vindland people were aware of this they set loose the dogs, and pursued him in great haste; and the poor man lay hid, and saw well where they were following him. But now the hounds lost the trace [901] when they came nearer, and all the eyes that sought him were struck with a blindness, so that nobody could find him, although he lay before their feet; and they all returned home, vexed that they could not find him. King Olaf did not permit this man’s destruction after he had reached the forest, and restored him also to his health and hearing; for they had so long tortured and beaten him that he had become deaf. At last he came on board of a ship, with two other Christian men who had been long afflicted in that country. All of them worked zealously in this vessel, and so had a successful flight. Then he repaired to the holy man’s house, strong and fit to bear arms. Now he was vexed at his vow, went from his promise to the holy king, ran away one day, and came in the evening to a bonde who gave him lodging for God’s sake. Then in the night he saw three girls coming to him; and handsome and nobly dressed were they. They spoke to him directly, and sharply reprimanded him for having been so bold as to run from the good king who had shown so much compassion to him, first in freeing him from his irons, and then from the prison; and yet he had deserted the mild master into whose service he had entered. Then he awoke full of terror, got up early, and told the house-father his dream. The good man had nothing so earnest in life as to send him back to the holy place. This miracle was first written down by a man who himself saw the man, and the marks of the chains upon his body.

SAGA OF MAGNUS THE BLIND AND OF HARALD GILLE

10 The Rise of War in Konungahella

Thirteen loaded merchant ships made ready to leave the town, intending to proceed to Bergen; but eleven of them were lost, men and goods, and all that was in them; the twelfth was lost also, but the people were saved, although the cargo went to the bottom. At that time the priest Lopt went north to Bergen, with all that belonged to him, and arrived safely. The merchant vessels were [919] lost on Saint Lawrence eve (August 10). The Danish king Eirik and the Archbishop Assur, both sent notice to Konungahella to keep watch on their town; and said the Vindland people had a great force on foot with which they made war far around on Christian people, and usually gained the victory. But the townspeople attended very little to this warning, were indifferent, and forgot more and more the dreadful omens the longer it was since they happened. On the holy Saint Lawrence day, while the words of high mass were spoken, came to the Vindland king Rettibur to Konungahella with 550 Vindland cutters, and in each cutter were forty-four men and two horses. The king’s sister’s son Dunimiz, and Unibur, a chief who ruled over many people, were with him. These two chiefs rowed at once, with a part of their troops, up the east arm of the Gaut river past Hising Isle, and thus came down to the town; but a part of the fleet lay in the western arm, and came so to the town. They made fast their ships at the piles, and landed their horses, and rode over the height of Bratsas, and from thence up around the town. Einar, a relation of priest Andres, brought these tidings up to the Castle church; for there the whole inhabitants of the town were gathered to hear high mass. Einar came just as the priest Andres was holding his discourse; and he told the people that an army was sailing up against the town with a great number of ships of war, and that some people were riding over Bratsas. Many said it must be the Danish king Eirik, and from him they might expect peace. The people ran down into the town to their properties, armed [920] themselves, and went down upon the piers, whence they immediately saw there was an enemy and an immense army. Nine East-country trading vessels belonging to the merchants were afloat in the river at the piers. The Vindland people first directed their course toward these and fought with the merchants, who armed themselves, and defended themselves long, well, and manfully. There was a hard battle, and resistance, before the merchant vessels were cleared of their men; and in this conflict the Vindland people lost 150 of their ships, with all the men on board. When the battle was sharpest the townsmen stood upon the piers, and shot at the heathens. But when the fight slackened the burgesses fled up to the town, and from thence into the castle: and the men took with them all their valuable articles, and such goods as they could carry. Solveig and her daughters, with two other women, went on shore, when the Vindlanders took possession of the merchant vessels. Now the Vindlanders landed, and mustered their men, and discovered their loss. Some of them went up into the town, some on board the merchant ships, and took all the goods they pleased; and then they set fire to the town, and burnt it and the ships. They hastened then with all their army to assault the castle.

11 The Second Battle

King Rettibur made an offer to those who were in the castle that they should go out, and he would give them their lives, weapons, clothes, silver, and gold: but all exclaimed against it, and went out on the fortification: some shot, some threw stones, some sharp stakes. It [921] was a great battle, in which many fell on both sides, but by far the most of the Vindlanders. Solveig came up to a large farm called Solbjorg, and brought the news. A message war-token was there split, and sent out to Skurbagar, where there happened to be a joint ale-drinking feast, and many men were assembled. A bonde called Olver Miklimun (Mickle Mouth) was there, who immediately sprang up, took helmet and shield, and a great axe in his hand, and said. “Stand up, brave lads, and take your weapons. Let us go help the townspeople; for it would appear shameful to every man who heard of it, if we sit here sipping our ale, while good men in the town are losing their lives by our neglect.”

Many made an objection, and said they would only be losing their own lives, without being of any assistance to the townspeople.

Then said Olver, “Although all of you should hold back, I will go alone; and one or two heathens, at any rate, shall fall before I fall.”

He ran down to the town, and a few men after him to see what he would do, and also whether they could assist him in any way. When he came near the castle, and the heathens saw him, they sent out eight men fully armed against him; and when they met, the heathen men ran and surrounded him on all sides. Olver lifted his axe, and struck behind him with the extreme point of it, hitting the neck of the man who was coming up behind him, so that his throat and jawbone were cut through, and he fell dead backwards. Then he heaved his axe forwards, and struck the next man in the head, and clove him [922]down to the shoulders. He then fought with the others, and killed two of them; but was much wounded himself. The four who remained took to flight, but Olver ran after them. There was a ditch before them, and two of the heathens jumped into it, and Olver killed them both; but he stuck fast himself in the ditch, so that two of the eight heathens escaped. The men who had followed Olver took him up, and brought him back to Skurbagar, where his wounds were bound and healed; and it was the talk of the people, that no single man had ever made such a bloody onset. Two lendermen, Sigurd Gyrdson, a brother of Philip, and Sigard, came with 600 men to Skurbagar; on which Sigurd turned back with 400 men. He was but little respected afterwards, and soon died. Sigard, on the other hand, proceeded with 200 men towards the town; and they gave battle to the heathens, and were all slain. While the Vindlanders were storming the castle, their king and his chiefs were out of the battle. At one place there was a man among the Vindlanders shooting with a bow, and killing a man for every arrow; and two men stood before him, and covered him with their shields. Then Sæmund Husfreyja said to his son Asmund, that they should both shoot together at this bowman. “But I will shoot at the man who holds the shield before him.” He did so, and he knocked the shield down a little before the man; and in the same instant Asmund shot between the shields, and the arrow hit the bowman in the forehead, so that it came out at his neck, and he fell down dead. When the Vindlanders saw it they howled like dogs, or like wolves. Then King Rettibur [923] called to them that he would give them safety and life, but they refused terms. The heathens again made a hard assault. One of the heathens in particular fought so bravely, and ventured so near, that he came quite up to the castle-gate, and pierced the man who stood outside the gate with his sword; and although they used both arrows and stones against him, and he had neither shield nor helmet, nothing could touch him, for he was so skilled in witchcraft that weapon could not wound him. Then priest Andres took consecrated fire; blew upon it; cut tinder in pieces, and laid it on the fire; and then laid the tinder on the arrow-point, and gave it to Asmund. He shot this arrow at the warlock; and the shaft hit so well that it did its business, and the man of witchcraft fell dead. Then the heathens crowded together as before, howling and whining dreadfully; and all gathered about their king, on which the Christians believed that they were holding a council about retreating. The interpreters, who understood the Vindland tongue, heard the chief Unibur make the following speech: “These people are brave, and it is difficult to make anything of them; and even if we took all the goods in their town, we might willingly give as much more that we had never come here, so great has been our loss of men and chiefs. Early in the day, when we began to assault the castle, they defended themselves first with arrows and spears; then they fought against us with stones; and now with sticks and staves, as against dogs. I see from this that they are in want of weapons and means of defense; so we shall make one more hard assault, and try their [924] strength.” It was as he said, that they now fought with stakes; because, in the first assault, they had imprudently used up all their missile weapons and stones; and now when the Christians saw the number of their stakes diminishing, they clave each stake in two. The heathens now made a very hot attack, and rested themselves between whiles, and on both sides they were exhausted. During a rest the Vindland king Rettibur again offered terms, and that they should retain the weapons, clothes, and silver they could carry out of the castle. Sæmund Husfreyja had fallen, and the men who remained gave the counsel to deliver up the castle and themselves into the power of the heathens; but it was a foolish counsel; for the heathens did not keep their promises, but took all people, men, women, and children, and killed all of them who were wounded or young, or could not easily be carried with them. They took all the goods that were in the castle; went into the Cross church, and plundered it of all its ornaments. The priest Andres gave King Rettibur a silver-mounted gilt sceptre, and to his sister’s son Dunimiz he gave a gold ring. They supposed from this that he was a man of great importance in the town, and held him in higher respect than the others. They took away with them the holy cross, and also the tables which stood before the altar, which Sigurd had got made in the Greek country, and had brought home himself. These they took, and laid flat down on the steps before the altar. Then the heathens went out of the church. Rettibur said. “This house has been adorned with great zeal for the God to whom it is dedicated; but, methinks, [925] He has shown little regard for the town or house: so I see their God has been angry at those who defended them.” King Rettibur gave the priest Andres the church, the shrine, the holy cross, the Bible, the altar-book, and four clerks (prisoners); but the heathens burnt the Castle church, and all the houses that were in the castle. As the fire they had set to the church went out twice, they hewed the church down, and then it burnt like other houses. Then the heathens went to their ships with the booty; but when they mustered their people and saw their loss, they made prisoners of all the people, and divided them among the vessels. Now priest Andres went on board the king’s ship with the holy cross, and there came a great terror over the heathens on account of the portentous circumstance which took place in the king’s ship; namely, it became so hot that all thought they were going to be burnt up. The king ordered the interpreter to ask the priest why this happened. He replied, that the Almighty God on whom the Christians believed, sent them a proof of His anger, that they who would not believe in their Creator presumed to lay hands on the emblem of His suffering; and that there lay so much power in the cross, that such, and even clearer miracles, happened to heathen men who had taken the cross in their hands. The king had the priest put into the ship’s boat, and the priest Andres carried the holy cross in his grasp. They led the boat along past the ship’s bow, and then along the side of the next ship, and then shoved it with a boat-hook in beside the pier. Then Andres went with the cross by night to Solbjorg, [926] in rain and dreadful weather; but brought it in good preservation. King Rettibur, and the men he had remaining, went home to Vindland, and many of the people who were taken at Konungahella were long afterwards in slavery in Vindland; and those who were ransomed and came back to Norway to their udal lands and properties, throve worse than before their capture. The merchant town of Konungahella has never since risen to the importance it was of before this event.

SAGA OF SIGURD, INGE, AND EYSTEIN, THE SONS OF HARALD

5 Of Sigurd Slembidjakn

Sigurd Slembidjakn came that summer from the West sea to Norway, where he heard of his relation King Magnus’s unlucky expedition; so he expected no welcome in Norway, but sailed south, outside the rocks, past the land, and set over to Denmark, and went into the Sound. He fell in with some Vindland cutters south of the islands, gave them battle, and gained the victory. He cleared eight ships, killing many of the men, and he hanged the others.

He also had a battle off the Island Mon with the Vindland men, and gained a victory. He then sailed from the south and came to the eastern arm of the Gaut river, and took three ships of the fleet of Thorer Hvinantorde, and Olaf, the son of Harald Kesia, who was Sigurd’s own sister’s son; for Ragnhild, the mother of Olaf, was a daughter of King Magnus Barefoot. He drove Olaf up the country.

Thjostolf was at this time in Konungahella, and had collected people to defend the country, and Sigurd steered thither with his fleet. They shot at each other, but he could not effect a landing; and, on both sides, many were killed and many wounded. Ulfhedin Saxolfson, Sigurd’s forecastle man, fell there. He was an Icelander, [943] from the north quarter. Sigurd continued his course northwards to Viken and plundered far and wide around. Now when Sigurd lay in a harbour called Portyrja on Limgard’s coast, and watched the ships going to or coming from Viken to plunder them, the Tunsberg men collected an armed force against him, and came unexpectedly upon them while Sigurd and his men were on shore dividing their booty. Some of the men came down from the land, but some of the other party laid themselves with their ships right across the harbour outside of them. Sigurd ran up into his ship, and rowed out against them. Vatnorm’s ship was the nearest, and he let his ship fall behind the line, and Sigurd rowed clear past, and thus escaped with one ship and the loss of many men. This verse was made upon Vatnorm: —

“The water serpent, people say,
From Portyrja slipped away.”

24 Miracle of King Olaf

In the time of Harald Gille’s sons, it happened that a man called Haldor fell into the hands of the Vindland people, who took him and mutilated him, cut open his neck, took out the tongue through the opening, and cut out his tongue root. He afterwards sought out the holy King Olaf, fixed his mind entirely on the holy man, and weeping besought King Olaf to restore his speech and health. Thereupon he immediately recovered his speech by the good king’s compassion, went immediately into his service for all his life, and became an excellent trustworthy man. This miracle took place a fortnight before [966]the last Olafsmas, upon the day that Cardinal Nikolas set foot on the land of Norway.

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January 26, 2018

Thietmar Book VII

Published Post author

Here are the “Slavic” excerpts from Thietmar’s Chronicle Book VII in the Warner translation.

Chapter 4 (1014)

After crossing the Alps, the emperor travelled through neighboring regions, exercising his royal prerogatives.  He celebrated the birth of the Lord at Pohlde.  Afterwards, he went to Merseburg, where he revealed to his supporters how things stood with Boleslav’s loyalty and support [April 6, 1015]*.  He asked them to recommend unanimously either that he seek justification or redress…

[*note: these are Gregorian calendar dates – the text obviously contains Julian dates]

Chapter 8 (1014)

… Departing from Alstedt, the emperor spent the birth of the Lord at Pohlde.  On the Wednesday before Easter, he came to Merseburg [April 6], On Maundy Thursday, though unworthy, I consecrated the chrism in his presence. Abbot Redbald of Werden died o nthe vigil of the holy Resurrection, which fell on April 9, and Heidenreich, the monastery’s provost, was lee fed in his place,  On the holy day itself, Archbishop Gero sang the mass.  In the meantime, Ulrich, duke of the Bohemians, had arrived, and we spent solemn days in good spirits.

Chapter 9 (1014)

Meanwhile, Margrave Herman celebrated the feast of Easter with his father-in-law, Boleslav Chrobry.  Immediately thereafter, he went to see the emperor, in the company of Stoignev, one of Boleslav’s emissaries.  His coming had long been awaited by the emperor who was then residing in the West.  This emissary was well acquainted with the art of lying and had been sent by his fickle lord to make trouble, rather than peace, as he pretended.  The emperor commended him to his familiars.  At the same time, he mercifully bestowed his grace upon his brothers-in-law who had asked for it with bare feet. To ensure that the big windbag would see this and accurately inform his lord, he ordered him to appear ahead of time.  Upon his return, however, he reported things quite differently from how the emperor had ordered, and so the wretched duke sent him back, along with the margrave, who still wished to make peace.  In the presence of the emperor and his leading men, Boleslav’s emissary was denounced as a liar and sower of discord.  Then, the emperor again invited Boleslav to justify himself and offer compensation for his disobedience, but the latter refused to come into his presence, and instead asked that the matter be resolved before the leading men.

Chapter 10 (1014)

O reader, observe ho much kindness the emperor showed this man on a previous occasion.  The wily duke of Poland was skilled in a thousand stratagems.  He sent his son Miesco to Ulrich, ruler of the Bohemians, to propose that they make peace, on the basis of their mutual kinship, and thereby offer a unified resistance to all of their enemies, especially the emperor. After trustworthy informants told Ulrich that this plan was intended to work to his detriment, he had Miesco seized and ordered that the most prominent members of his entourage be murdered.  The rest of Miesco’s companions were taken back to Bohemia, along with their captive lord, and imprisoned.  After being informed of these events, the emperor sent my cousin, Dietrich, to demand the return of his retainer and to warn that he should not be harmed, assuming that Ulrich placed any value whatsoever on the emperor’s favour.  Dietrich received the following response: ‘My highest obligation is to obey my lord’s orders in all things, and to do so to the best of my ability and willingly. Despite my unworthiness, Omnipotent God has just seized me from the lion’s mouth and delivered into my hands the lion;s cub, sent with the intention of destroying me.  If I should permit this one to go free, there is no question that both father and son will be my enemies for ever.  If I hold on to him, however, there is a chance that I may obtain some advantage.  Let my lord determine what pleases him in this matter, and what might work to my benefit and I will obediently carry out his every request.’

Chapter 11 (1014)

When Dietrich returned with this message, however, another messenger was, quickly sent back to demand and sternly order Miesco’s release.  In return, he offered the emperor’s promise that all of Ulrich’s concerns would be resolved and a fair peace concluded.  At this, Ulrich had to surrender his captive, whether he wished to or not, and thereby greatly pleased the emperor.  Boleslav was overjoyed at his son;s release and sent messengers who duly expressed his gratitude to the emperor. These messengers also asked the emperor to send Miesco home, an act which would do honor to their lord and confound his enemies.  In return for this boon, they promised appropriate compensation in the future.  The emperor responded that this could not then be done, but promised that the request would be granted, upon the recommendation of his leading men, if Boleslav would come to Merseburg.  The duke receive this message and did no take it very well.  Discreetly ,through emissaries, he repeatedly sought to have his son returned.

Chapter 12 (1014) 

When the emperor came to the agreed upon place, he asked the leading men what he should do in this matter. Among them, Archbishop Gero spoke first:’ When there was time, and when it would have redounded to your honor, you did not listen to what I had to say.  Now, however, Boleslav is exceedingly hostile towards you because of your long custody and imprisonment of his son.  I fear that if you send Miesco back to his father, without hostages or some other surety, neither of them will be inclined to render loyal service in the future.’ The majority of those present agreed with this opinion, but the part which had been bribed complained that no great honour could be gained through such a strategy.  Gold won out over sound advice.  That all of this might be more pleasing to Boleslav, his supporters took custody of Miesco from the emperor and delivered both the son and all of the captives possessions to his father.  After receiving their promised reward, they admonished Boleslav and his son that, being mindful of Christ and their oath to God, they should neither cause the emperor any further harm nor attempt to deceive his supporters.  The two immediately responded to this friendly warning in flattering, flute-like tones which in no way corresponded with their future behaviour.  Despite the fact that they themselves had displayed little or no loyalty, they blamed the emperor and us for having delayed so long before sending MIesco back, though he numbered among our milites.

Chapter 16 (1015)

The emperor went to Goslar for the feast of the birth of Saint John the Baptist which was fast approaching.  While there, he gave Duke Ernst’s duchy [Swabia] to the duke’s cousin and her son. Then, he moved on to Magdeburg where he humbly asked Saint Maurice, Christ’s miles, to help him conquer his obstinate enemy, Boleslav.  After an army had been assembled, the emperor proceeded to a place called Schlenzfurt where he inflicted much damage on the population and their margrave, Gero.  We assembled on July 8, but instead of giving the inhabitants the protection that was their due, we plundered them,  Afterwards, our forces crossed the Elbe.  Meanwhile, I accompanied the empress and her entourage to Merseburg where we awaited the emperor’s return.  When our forces came to a district called Lausitz, they were confronted by troops issuing forth from the burg of Zuetzen.  Accepting the challenge, they killed a great number.  They also captured Erich ‘the Proud’, who had fled our region because of a homicide, and presented him, in chains, to the emperor.

Chapter 17 (1015)

The emperor went to a place called Krossen, on the Oder, where Miesco was sitting with his forces.  He then sent a delegation composed of the leading men of his army, who reminded Miesco of his oath to the emperor and unanimously asked that they might not lose their property on his account, this having been anticipated by his surrender.  He responded to them with the following words: ‘I concede that the emperor rescued me from the power of my enemies and that I promised you my loyalty.  I would willingly fulfill that promise, if I were free.  At present, however as you yourselves know, I am subject to my father’s dominion and he has forbidden this.  Nor would it be permitted by his milites, who are here with me.  Hence, I must reluctantly decline.  To the best of may ability, I will defend this land which belongs to me, but is desired by you.  When my father arrives, I will try to win him over to the emperor’s favour and to friendship with you.’  After hearing this, our representatives returned and relayed Miesco’s response to the emperor.  Meanwhile, Duke Bernhard and his supporters, with bishops, counts, and a band of the heathen Liutizi, moved against Boleslav from the north, and encountered him on theOder which was defended on all sides.

Chapter 18 (1015)

On the feast of the discovery of Christ’s protomartyr, the emperor crossed the Oder and crushed the resistance of the Polish multitude [August 3].  We had no losses, except for that famous youth, Hodo, along with Eckerich and a another dependent of Count Gunzelin.  The emperor had accused this Hodo and Siegfred, the son of Margrave Hodo, of having been too familiar with Boleslav, but on this day each vindicated himself completely.  While Hodo was pursuing the enemy and quite a lone, having outdistanced his companions, he took an arrow in the head.  Initially, he lost only his eye, but then lost his life as well.  Miesco’s tears flowed freely when he recognized the corpse of the man who had been his guardian and companion during his period of captivity.  After showing every concern for the body, he returned it to our army.  The enemy’s dead numbered no fewer than six hundred, which left us with a great deal of booty.

Chapter 19 (1015)

Messengers quickly brought news of these events to the place where Boleslav then resided.  Although the duke would willingly have hurried to the field of battle, he did boo wish to leave an entry for his enemies, who were so close at hand.  Indeed, wherever our forces tried to land their boats, Boleslav and his warriors followed on horseback.  At last, our people quickly raised their sails and travelled for a whole day.  Since the enemy could not follow, our people reached their destination and safely came ashore.  They set fire to the surrounding areas.  Some distance away, Duke Boleslav was made aware of what had happened and fled, as usual, thereby leaving us – albeit unwillingly – with both the confidence and an opportunity for destruction.  Duke Bernhard who had been unable to support the emperor with his own forces, as previously arranged, sent messengers who secretly revealed all that had occurred and indicated the reason for his disobedience.  The duke then returned home, after pillaging and burring everything in the vicinity.  Ulrich, who should have come to the emperor’s aid, along with his Bavarians, also gave up, for many and varied reasons. Even though these men did not accompany the emperor, they rendered faithful service while in the area.   In particular, Ulrich attacked a very large burg, called Biesnitz.  Aside from the women and children, he took no fewer than one thousand men prisoners.  After setting the burg afire, he returned victorious.  Henry, count of the eastern march, learned that Boleslav’s milites were in true area and had captured much booty.  Accompanied by the Bavarians, he immediately fell upon them,  Although the enemy resisted vigorously, eight hundred of them were killed and all of their booty was taken…

Chapter 20 (1015)

The emperor, still unaware of what had occurred, acted with great care because of the smaller number of his forces.  Nevertheless, as long as he wished to, he maintained a powerful presence in this region.  Thereafter, he returned to a district called Diadesi.  Unfortunately, the army had set up camp in a very narrow location where only a beekeeper resided – he was immediately put to death.  Boleslav, hearing that the emperor planned to leave by a route other than the one by which he had entered, secured the banks of the Oder  in every way possible.  When he learned that the emperor had already departed, however, he sent a large force of foot soldiers to the place where our army was camped, ordering that they try to inflict injury on at least some part of it, should the opportunity present itself.  He also sent his Abbot Tuni to the emperor with a sham offer of peace.  The abbot was immediately recognized as a spy and detained.  In the meantime, virtually the entire army crossed the swamp that lay before it, using bridges constructed during the preceding night.

Chapter 21 (1015)

Only then was Abbot Tuni permitted to leave, a fox in a one’s habit, whose craftiness was highly esteemed by his lord.  The emperor commended the remainder of his forces to Archbishop Gero, the illustrious margrave Gero, and the count palatine Burchard, advising them that they should be even more watchful than usual.  After this, in fact, a great clamor and three shouts went forth from the enemy, concealed in a nearby forest.  Immediately they attacked out troops and shot arrow at them.  Archbishop Gero and Count Burchard, who was wounded, barely managed to escape and tell the emperor what had happened.  The young Count Liudolf was captured, along with a few others.  Count Gero, Count Folkmar, and two hundred of our best milites were killed and plundered.  May Omnipotent God look upon their names and their should with mercy! May all of us who caused their deaths, through ours sins, be reconciled to him through Christ! And, may God mercifully protect us so that we never need to endure such a thing again!

Chapter 22 (1015)

When the emperor received this unhappy news, he wished to go back and fetch the bodies of the dead.  Many advised him to wait, however, and he reluctantly complied.  Instead, he sent Bishop Eid of Meissen, who was to press the cursed Boleslav for permission to bury the dead and beg for the body of Margrave Gero.  The venerable father willingly agreed to the emperor’s request, and quickly proceeded to his destination.  Gazing upon the scene of such wretched slaughter, he began to groan and weep as he offered up praiser for the dead,  The victors, still intent on plundering, noticed Bishop Eid when he was still some distance away. Believing that he was accompanied by others, they initially fled in fear.  As he came closer, however, they greeted him and allowed him to proceed unmolested.  Boleslav, overjoyed at our destruction, readily granted Eid’s requests, and the bishop quickly returned to the battlefield where with great effort and the enemy’s indulgence, he buried our dead comrades.  He had the corpses of Gero and WIdred, his companion-in-arms, transported to Meissen.  At Meisssen, a tearful Count Herman took custody of the bodies and, in the company of his brothers Gunther and Ekkehard, transported them to Nienburg.  During the reign Otto II, Archbishop Gero of Cologne and his brother, Margrave Thietmar, had founded an abbey there in honour of the Mother of God and Saint Cyprian.  Thietmar was Herman’s stepfather and the father of the dear margrave.  Archbishop Gero commended the bodies to the earth and offered consolation to Gero’s lady, Adelheid, to his son, Thietmar, and also to his sorrowing friends and milites.

Chapter 23 (1015)

Meanwhile, the emperor and his entourage moved on to Strehla.  But knowing that Miesco was following with his army, he had also sent Margrave Herman to defend the burg at Meissen.  The emperor himself went directly Merseburg.  Miesco, instructed by his wicked father, knew that our forces had divided prior to their departure and had not left any guard behind them.  At dawn, on September 13, he brought seven war bands across the Elbe near Meissen, ordering some to lay waste the surrounding areas, others to lay siege to the burg itself.  When the Withasen saw this, they had no confidence in the safety of their suburb and instead sought the protection of the upper burg, leaving virtually every possession behind.  Full of joy at this turn of events, the enemy entered the abandoned suburb and set fire to it, after removing all the booty they could find,.  They also launched repeated attacks on the upper burg which had caught fire in two places.  Seeing his few exhausted helpers, Margrave Herman threw himself prostrate on the ground and invoked both the mercy of Christ and the intercession of Donatus, his illustrious martyr.  He also called on the women to help.  They hurried to the walls and helped the men by throwing rocks.  They also put out the fires, using mead because they had no water.  Thanks be to God!  The enemy’s fury and audacity abated.  Miesco watched all of this from a nearby hill where he awaited the arrival of his companions who were busy ravaging and, wherever possible, setting fire to everything up to the river Jahna.  They returned late in the evening, with their horses exhausted, and spent the night with their lord.  They were to attack the burg on the following day. The fact that the Elbe was rising escaped their notice, however. Because of this, the army went home, extremely tired, but in unexpected safety.  This good fortune easted the anxious hear of their leader. The emperor, as soon as he learned of these events, sent whatever forces he could assemble to help the margrave. Shortly, afterwards, he restored the suburb.  To supper this undertaking and provide Security, Archbishop Gero and Bishop Arnulf met with the counts and many others on 8 October. I was by far the least of these.  Within fourteen days the task was completed and we could leave.  Count Frederick was to assume custody of the burg for four weeks.

Chapter 24 (1015)

Archbishop Gero and I, his companion, came to the place called Mockrehna.  There, after I reminded him of his sweet promises, he conveyed to me, with his staff which I still possess today, parochial rights over four fortresses: Schkeuditz Taucha, Puechen, and Wuerzen,* as well as the village of Rassnitz. He postponed any decision regarding the remaining five: namely, Eilenburg, Pouch, Dueben, Loebnitz, and Zoechritz,* saying that he would return them later. All of this occurred on October 25 in the presence of the following witnesses: Heribald, Hepo, Ibo, Cristin, and Siegbert.  On the same day we came to the fortress of Zoerbig* where, after the archbishop’s milites had assembled, I revealed how mercifully their lord had treated me.  We also learned of the illness of the venerable Friderun whose guests we were.  Alas, after a few days, on October 27, she abandoned this human flesh. From thence, the archbishop moved on to Magdeburg where he celebrated the feast of All Saints [November 1]. I did the same in Walbeck…

[* note that with one or two potential exceptions, these are all Slavic names]

Chapter 25 (1015)

After having just returned from Poland with many impressive gifts, Bishop Eid became ill and surrendered hjis faithful soul to Christ, at Leipzig, on December 20. Bishop Hildeward of Zeitz was asked to attend to him and arrived quickly, but upon entering the house in which the holy man had died, discovered that it was filled with a wonderful odor.  He accompanied the body to Meissen and buried it in front of the altar, with the aid of Count William whose turn it was to guard the burg…

… Foreseeing his end, however, he often asked that he might never be buried in Meissen.  Indeed, from fear of future destruction had always hoped instead that he would be found worthy of burial at Colditz, resting police of the body of Magnus, the martyr of Christ.  But Margrave Herman, hopping that the church would benefit from his prayers, still had him entombed at Meissen, as I already mentioned.

Chapter 39

No one can comprehend the northern regions, and what marvelous things nature creates there.  Nor can one believe the cruel deeds of its people.  Hence, I will omit all of this, and merely say a few things concerning that brood of vipers, namely, the sons of Sven the Persecutor.  These sons were born to him by the daughter of Duke Miesco, sister of the latter’s successor and son, Boleslav.* Long exiled by her husband, along with others, this woman suffered no small amount of controversy. Her sons, who resembled their beloved parent in every way, tearfully accepted their father’s corpse and placed it within a burial mound. Afterwards, they prepared shops and made plans to avenge whatever shame had been inflicted upon their father by the Angles.  The many outrages they committed against this folk are not familiar to me and so I shall pass them by.  I wil briefly describe with my pen only that which has been related to me by a reliable witness.**

[* note: Adam 2.35/Schol. 24, pp. 95-96; Tschan (trans.) 1959: 78.]
[** note: Presumably Sewald.]

Chapter 50 (1017)

…This wise man [Count Frederick], recognizing that the end of his life was fast approaching, had conveyed the burg [Poehlde] to his brother’s [Dedi’s] son, Dietrich. It was agreed, however, that the remainder of the count’s land would pass to his three daughters.  Such arrangements were necessary because Dietrich was an heir, and to have done otherwise would not have been legitimate. Later, Dietrich received from the emperor both Frederick’s countship and control over the district of Siusuli*…

[* note: a very interestingly named Slavic tribe]

Chapter 51 (1017)

Meanwhile, the emperor came to Merseburg where he awaited the outcome of this matter.  While he was there, many highwaymen were put to death by hanging, after champions had defeated them in single combat. The two archbishops, Erkanbald and Gero, Bishop Arnulf, Counts Siegfried and Bernhard, and other leading men, camped for fourteen days on the river Mulde.  Through intermediaries, they asked Boleslav to come to the Elbe for the meeting which he had so long desired. The duke was then residing at Zuetzen.  As soon as he had heard this message, he responded that he would not dare to go there, for fear of his enemy. The messengers asked: ‘What would you do, if our lords come to the Elster?’ But he said: ‘I do not wish to cross that bridge.’ After hearing this, the messengers returned and related everything to their lords.  The emperor was with us, celebrating the Purification of the blessed Mother of God [February 2].  Somewhat latter, the bishops and counts arrived, outraged that Boleslav had so contemptuously trie dot deceive them.  In turn, they sought to arouse the emperor’s ire by describing how things had gone during their legation. At this point, they began to discuss a future campaigning and everyone loyal to the emperor was advised to prepare fir it. The emperor firmly prohibited any exchange of messengers between us and Boleslav, that enemy of the realm, and every effort was made to identify persons who might have presumed to do so in the past.

Chapter 52 (1017) 

After his parting from us, the emperor went to Magdeburg, where he was received with great hour.  Because the next morning, a Sunday, marked the beginning of Septuagesima, he stopped eating meat. On Monday, the archbishop consecrated the north chapel in the emperor’s presence. On the following day, a quarrel arose between the archbishops people and Margrave Berhnard’s, but the matter was settled without violence and in the bishop’s favour. At the emperor’s order, thieves who had been defeated in duels assembled there, and were put to the rope. It was at Magdeburg as well that many questions relating to the welfare of the realm were decided and, from thence, that the convert Gunther set out to preach to the Liutizi. In the emperor’s presence, I raised many complaints a part of my diocese which had been unjustly appropriated by the church of Meissen. The restitution of this property had been promised, in writing, but just when it seemed that I might profit from that, I had to recognize that things had gone rather differently from how I had planned. On the feast of Saint Peter’s throne, February 22, the emperor held court. Ut was attended by bishops Gero, Meinwerk, Wigo, Erich, and Eilward. On this occasion, I arose and presented my complaint, expecting help from the emperor and the bishops. Instead, they ordered me – God knows, I was unwilling, but dared not resist – to  concede to Eilward a parish on the east bank of the river Mulda, in the burg ward of Puechen and Wuerzen. In return, he was to give me a parish that he held on the west bank, though I never desired it. The transaction was confirmed with an exchange of episcopal staffs. I give witness before God and all the saints: in no way did I surrender the rest of my claim! The emperor also ordered Margrave Herman to prove by oath that he was the rightful possessor of three villages which he held from the church of Meissen, or surrender them to me.

Chapter 56 (1017)

The emperor, hearing that his wife had recovered and had made a vow to the Lord, rendered heartfelt thanks to Christ.  He devoutly celebrated Pentecost at Werden, which had been founded by God’s holy priest Liudger at his own expense. The emperor’s needs were fully accomplismodated by Abbot Heidenreich. On the following day, June 10, Bishop Thiedegg of Prague, successor to Christ’s martyr Adalbert, faithfully went the way of all flesh. Thiedegg had been educated at Corvey and was especially skilled in the art of healing. When Boleslav the Leder was suffering from paralysis because of his disobedience to Christ’s preacher, he summoned Thiedegg, with Abbot Thietmar’s permission, and was much improved through his ministrations. Thus, when that burning lamp, Woyciech,* was removed from the shadows of this world, as I have mentioned,** the duke’s aid ensured that Otto III installed Thiedegg, as his successor. After the death of Boleslav the Elder, his like-named son frequently expelled the bishop from his diocese, and just as often Margrave Ekkehard brought him back. He suffered many injuries. As Saint Gregory ordered, he not only invited guests to come to him, but even dragged them in. His one major failing was that he drank immoderately, due to an undeserved illness. Indeed, the tremors in his hands prevented him from saying mass without the help of a priest who stood next to him. He grew progressive;u weaker until the end, but, as I hope, cured his soul with good medicines.

[*note: Thietmar writes Uuortegus and Athelberti for Adalbert]

[**note: Book 4, chapter 28]

Chapter 57 (1017)

Meanwhile, Moravian soldiers of Boleslav’s surrounded and killed a large but careless band of Bavarians. In no small measure, then, losses previously inflicted upon them by the Bavarians were now avenged.* As the emperor traveled towards the East, he ordered the empress to meet him at Paderborn. From there, the two of them moved onto Magdeburg where they were received, with honour, by Archbishop Gero. During the following night, July 7, a Sunday, a horrible storm arose and caused widespread destruction of human beings, cattle, buildings, and the produce of the fields.  In the forests, a huge number of trees and branches fell and blocked all of the roads. The next day, the emperor crossed the Elber, along with his wife and the army, and proceeded to Lietzkau, an estate which formerly belonged to Bishop Wigo but was now the habitation of many wild animals. He set up camp and remained there for two nights, awaiting the arrival of more dilatory contingents. Subsequently, the empress and many others returned, while the emperor pressed on with his army. On that same day, Henry, formerly duke of the Bavarians, returned with a message from Boleslav, which suggested that they negotiate a peace. After listening to this report, the emperor sent Henry back again, with a message of his own. When he could accomplish nothing, however, he was sent to join the emperor’s wife, his sister.

[**note: Book 7, chapter 19]

Chapter 59 (1017)

While all of this was going on, Boleslav’s son, Miesco, took ten war bands and invaded Bohemia.  They encountered less resistance that they otherwise would have, due to the absence of the Bohemian duke, Ulrich. After pillaging the country side for two days, Miesco returned, bringing many captives with him and much joy to his father. Accompanied by his army and a large contingent of Bohemians and Liutizi, the emperor anxiously made his way to the burg Glogow, wasting everything he encountered along the way. At Głogów,* Boleslav awaited him with his army. Surrounded by archers, the enemy tried to provoke our forced to battle, but the emperor held them back. Instead, he selected twelve war bands from this already very strong army and sent them to the burg Nimptsch (Niemcza)**, so called because it was originally founded by us, These war bands were to prevent the inhabitants from receiving any aid from outside. They had barely set up camp, however when news reached them that the enemy had arrived. Because of the exceedingly dark night and a heavy rain, there little that our forces could do to them. They put some of them to flight, but reluctantly permitted others to enter the burg. The later is situated in the region of Silesia which was named long ago after a certain mountain of great height and width, While the detestable rites of the heather were still practiced here, this mountain was highly venerated by the populace, because of its unique character and size.

[*note: ad urbem Glogua or Glaguam]

[**note: ad urbem Nemzi]

Chapter 60 (1017)
(Siege of Głogów)

Three days later, the emperor arrived there [at Głogów] with the rest of the army. He ordered that his camp be set up on all sides of the burg, in the hope that he might thereby prevent his enemy from entering. HIs  wise plan and excellent intentions would have enjoyed great success, had his supporters whom greater enthusiasm when it came to the time to implement them. As it turned out, in the silence of night, a large body of troops managed to pass through all the guards and enter the burg. Our people were then ordered to construct various types of siege machinery. Immediately, our opponents began to do the same. I have never heard of an army which defended itself with greater endurance or more astutely. Against the pagans [that is, against the Liutizi], they erected a holy cross, hoping  to conquer them with its help. They never shouted for joy when something favorable to them occurred. Nor did they reveal their misfortunes by openly lamenting them.

Chapter 61 (1017)

Meanwhile, the Moravians invaded Bohemia where they seized a certain burg and returned, unharmed and with much booty. Margrave Henry had attempted to engage them with an army. When he heard of their attack on the burg, however, he quickly set off in pursuit. As a result, more than one thousand of their men were killed and the rest were put to flight. The margrave also managed to free all of their captives and bring them home. Nor should I fail to mention that other milites of Boleslav attacked the burg Belgern* on August 15. In spite of a long siege, they had no success.  Thanks be to God! Among those Liutizi who had remained at home, a large number attacked one of the duke’s [Boleslav’s] burgs.  On this occasion, they lost more than one hundred warriors and their return was marked by great sadness. Later, they inflicted much devastation on Boleslav’s lands.

[*note: Belegori that is Biała Góra or White Mountain; the city was mentioned in 973 as Belgora and in 983 as Belegora]

Chapter 63 (1017)
(Siege of Głogów Conclusion)

In the meantime, the siege machinery had been completed, and now, after three weeks of silence, the emperor ordered an attack on the burg. As he looked on, however, all of this machinery went up in flames, destroyed by fire thrown down from the ramparts. After this, Ulrich and his companions tried to scale the fortifications, but accomplished nothing.  A similar attack by the Liutizi was also turned back. Finally, the emperor realized that his army, already weakened by disease, had no prospect of capturing the burg and decided to undertake the arduous march to Bohemia. There, he was honoured with suitable gifts by Ulrich, who illegally held the title of duke in that region. Meanwhile, September 18, marked the death, following a long illness of Margrave Henry, my aunt’s son and the glory of eastern Franconia. Three bishops, Henry, Eberhard, and the venerable Rikulf, attended to his burial. His grave was located on the north side of the monastery at Schweinfurt, outside of the church, and next to the door, as he himself had wished. The emperor, who learned of his death while residing in Meissen, was very sad.

Chapter 64 (1017)

Boleslav anxiously awaited the outcome of events in his burg at Wroclaw.* When he heard that the emperor had departed and that the burg [that is Głogów] was unharmed, he rejoiced in the Lord and joyfully celebrated with his warriors. More than six hundred of his foot soldiers secretly invaded Bohemia and, as usual, hoped to return with much booty. Except for a few, however, they were trapped by the very snare that they had wanted to lay for their enemies.

[*note: in text Uuortizlaua]

The Liutizi returned to their homeland in an angry mood and complaining about the dishonor inflicted upon their goddess. One of Margrave Herman’s retainers, had thrown a rock at a banner which bore her image. When their servants sally related this event to the emperor, he gave them twelve pounds as compensation. When they attempted to cross the swollen waters of the Mulde, near the burg Wurzen, they lost yet another image of their goddess and a most excellent band of fifty milites. The rest returned under this evil omen and, at the instigation of wicked men, tried to remove themselves from the emperor’s service. Yet, afterwards, a general assembly was held at which their leading men convinced them otherwise. If an entry could barely be forced into the territories of Bohemia, it was even more difficult to exit from them. This expedition was undertaken in order to annihilate the enemy, but it also inflicted many wounds on us, the victors, because of our sins. What the enemy could not do to us then occurred to us later because of our misdeeds. May I also bemoan the outrage which Boleslav’s followers committed, between the Elbe and the Mulde. On September 19, at their lord’s order, they quickly departed, taking with them more than one thousand prisoners and leaving much of the area in flames. With luck they returned home safely.

Chapter 65 (1017)

On October 1, the emperor came to Merseburg, where he installed Ekkehard as bishop of Prague. As abbot, Ekkehard had presided over the monastery of Nienburg for twenty-three years and five months. With my permission, the emperor had him consecrated as bishop by Archbishop Erkenbald on November. On the same occasion, a messenger sent by Boleslav promised that Liudolf the Younger, long held in captivity, would be allowed to return. In return for Liudolf’s freedom, he sought the release of certain of Boleslav’s milites who were being held in firm custody by us. Furthermore, the messenger carefully inquired whether Boleslav, might send a representative to negotiate his return to the emperor’s grace. Relying on the constant advice of his leading men, the emperor agreed to all of these propositions. Only afterwards did he learn that the king of the Rus had attacked Boleslav, as his messengers had promised, but had accomplished nothing in regard to the besieged burg. Subsequently, Duke Boleslav invaded the Russian king’s realm with his army. After placing his long-exiled brother-in-law, the Rus’ brother, on the throne, he returned in high spirits.

Chapter 66 (1017)

… On the following Sunday, November 3, [Abbot Harding of Nienburg]  granted to our brothers serving Christ at Magdeburg a property called Roeglitz… He also conceded to me three churches, located in Leipzig, Oelschuetz, and Geuss…*

[* note: in the text these names are written as Rogalici, Libzi, Olscuizi, Gusua]

Chapter 67 (1017)

Before concluding my account of this year, I must add a few more observations. In the previous year, Thietmar, venerable bishop of the church at Osnabrueck, servant of Saint Maurice at Magdeburg, and formerly the very accomplished provost of Mainz and Aachen, lost the use of his eyes which were now clouded by a kind of darkness…

Chapter 69 (1017)
(Story of Hennil)

…One should scarcely be surprised to find that such portents occur in our regions. For the inhabitants rarely come to church and show little concern at the visits of their pastors. They worship their household gods and sacrifice to them, hoping thereby to obtain their aid. I have heard of a certain staff which had, on its end, a hand holding an iron ring. The pastor of the village where the hand was preserved would carry it from household to household, and salute it as he entered, saying: ‘Awake, Hennil, awake!’ Hennil is what the rustics call the hand in their language. Then the fools enjoyed a lavish feast and believed that they were secure in the hand’s protection. They knew nothing of David’s words: ‘The idols of the heathen are the works of men, and so on… Similar to those are all who make and put their trust in them.’

[for another translation of this story here]

Chapter 72

Now I shall continue my criticism and condemnation of the wicked deeds of the king of the Rus, Vladimir.  He obtained a wife, named Helena, from the Greeks. She and formerly been betrothed to Otto III, but was then denied to him, through fraud and cunning. At her instigation, Vladimir accepted the holy Christian faith which, however, he did not adorn with righteous deeds. He was an unrestrained fornicator and cruelly assailed the feckless Greeks with acts of violence. He married one of his three sons to the daughter of Boleslav, our persecutor.* Bishop Reinbern of Kolobrzeg was sent with her. He had been born in Hassegau, educated by wise teachers in the liberal sciences, and was elevated to the episcopate, worthily, so I hope. My knowledge and faculties would not suffice to describe the effort he expended in fulfilling his assigned task. He destroyed the shrines of idols by burning them and purified a lake inhabited by demons, by through into it four rocks anointed with holy oil and spindling it with consecrated water. Thus he brought forth a new sprout on a tree which had hitherto borne no fruit for the omnipotent Lord, that is, through the propagation of holy preaching among an extremely ignorant people. He afflicted his body with continual vigils, fasts, and with silence, thereby transforming his heart into a mirror of divine contemplate. Meanwhile, King Vladimir heard that his son had secretly turned against him, at the urging of Duke Boleslav. He then seized not only his son and wife, but also Reinbern as well, placing each of them in solitary confinement. With tears and through the sacrifice of constant prayers offered from a contrite heart, Reinbern reconciled himself to the highest priest. Then, freed, from the narrow prison of his body, he joyfully crossed over to the freedom of perpetual glory.

[*note: Sventipulk]

Chapter 73

King Vladimir’s name is wrongly interpreted t mean ‘power of peace.’ Indeed, that which the impious hold among themselves or the occupants of this world possess is no true peace because it constantly changes. True peace is attained only by one who lays aside there soul’s every passion and seeks the Kingdom of God with the aid of patience which conquests every obstacle. Sitting in the security of heaven, Bishop Reinbern can laugh at the threats of that unjust man and, in his two-fold chastity, contemplate that fornicator’s fiery punishment since, according to our teacher Paul, God judges adulterers. As soon as Boleslav learned what had happened, he worked ceaselessly to get whatever revenge he could. Subsequently, King Vladimir died in the fullness of his days, and left his entire inheritance to his two sons. The third son remained in prison, but later escaped and fled to his father-in-law, leaving his wife behind.

Chapter 74

King Vladimir wore a cloth around his loins as an aphrodisiac, thereby increasing his innate tendency to sin. When Christ the master of our salvation, ordered us to bind up our loins, overflowing with dangerous desires, it was greater continence that he demanded, not further provocation. Because the king heard from his preachers about the burning light, he tried to wash away the stain of his sins by constantly distributing alms. It is written, moreover: ‘Give alms, and all will be clean for you.’ Vladimir died when hew was already weak with age and had held his kingdom for a long time. He was buried next to his wife in the great city of Kiev, in the church of Christ’s mart, Pope Clement. Their sarcophagi are displayed openly, in the middle of the church. The king’s power was divided among his sons, thereby completely affirming the words of Christ. For I fear that we will witness the fulfillment of that which the voice of truth predicted with the words: ‘Every kingdom divided within itself will be wasted’, and so on. All Christendom should pray that, in regard to these lands, God may change his judgement.

Chapter 76 (1017)

In this year, four large Venetian ships, filled with different kinds of spices, were lost in shipwrecks. As I have previously mentioned, the western regions which had rarely known peace in the past were now completely pacified. Thanks be to God! Ekkehard, a monk of Saint John the Baptist at Magdeburg, who was also one of my brethren, lost his speech due to a paralyzing illness. In the lands of the Bavarians and Moravians, a certain pilgrim, named Koloman, was seized by the inhabitants and accused of being a spy. Compelled by their harsh treatment, he confessed his guilt although it was not merited. He made every effort to justify himself and explained that he was wandering, in this way, because he was one of of the poor men of Christ. Nevertheless, they hanged this innocent man from a tree which had long ceased to bear fruit. Later, when his skin was slightly cut, blood poured forth. His nails and hair continued to grow. The tree itself began to bloom, moreover, thereby proving that Koloman was a martyr for Christ. As soon as Margrave entry learned of these events he had the body buried at Melk.

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November 6, 2017

Alpert’s Interesting Times

Published Post author

Alpert of Metz (died 1024) was a Benedictine chronicler of the eleventh century. His De diversitate temporum (On the Diversity of the Times, which really means something like On Our Interesting Times) is a major source for the history of Western Europe (particularly for France, Western Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands) in the period it covers (990 to 1021).

In the book Alpert makes a very brief mention of the Slavs who fought Henry II.  This could refer to the Veleti but also the Poles or Bohemians – or to all of them as Alpert speaks of multiple kings of the Winnidi:

Of the Reign of Henry [II]
Book I
Chapter 5

“But as soon as the most noble Henry took dominion, this place [the monastery] was brought back to its former state.  Many exquisite things may be written by us about this man: how easily did, by God’s grace, he reach the peaks [highest position] of the kingdom; how through a quick victory, he compelled the surrender of famous and very mighty men, who had [previously] started wars against him; how he subjugated and made tributary to him kings in the interior of Germany who are called Winnidi; how he besieged for several years and almost completely destroyed Metz, a town in Lorraine that had been angering him for a long time, and [how he] finally after doing a lot of damage subjugated it. But because lord Adelbold, the bishop of Utrecht described all of this beautifully in a book, we have believed that [in describing] the part [of the narrative] that now necessarily comes to [the fore] in our work, we need to go further beyond [Adelbold’s version] so as to avoid a work of history, that is [otherwise] so full of important and that beautiful lessons, becoming muddled through us as if by a foolish pawn.

De Henrico rege

Ubi vero Heinricus summa rerum potitus est, iterum locum illum in priorem statum reduxit. Multa praeclara de hoc viro nobis scribenda sufficiunt: quam facile gratia Dei donante ad apicem regni pervenerit, qualiter illustres viros et summae potentiae, bella adversum se concitantes, celeri victoria in deditionem venire coegerit, qualiter reges in interioribus Germaniae partibus, qui sunt Winnidi vocati, suae dicioni tributarios effecerit, et Mettim in Belgis diu contra se male cogitantem, et compluribus annis obsessam, pene ad interitionem vastaverit, et tandem multis incommodis illatis sibi subegerit; set quia domnus Adelboldus Traiectensis episcopus haec omnia pleniter in uno volumine luculento sermone comprehendit, a nobis pars quae aliquando nostris scriptis necessario occurritt praetereunda visa est, ne historia tantis et tam venustis documentis edita a nobis tanquam ab insipientis latratu obfuscaretur.

Copyright ©2017 jassa.org All Rights Reserved

October 1, 2017

Thietmar (Book VI)

Published Post author


Chapter 2 [1004]

“Meanwhile, because of his own madness and also at the instigation of Margrave Henry, Boleslav attacked the Bavarians and all of his countrymen with a large force [see Book 5 Chapter 36].  In response, the king assembled an army and attacked the lands of the Milzini.  Had he not been impeded by heavy snow which was followed by a quick thaw, the whole region would have been wasted and depopulated.  He returned disappointed, but was aided by Margrave Gunzelin and other loyal supporters who supplied garrisons.  When he arrived at Merseburg, trustworthy intercessors sent by Margrave Henry informed him that his brother haas fled to the king of the Hungarians and desired forgiveness.  The margrave had also repented greatly for what he had undertaken.  Accepting their petition, though unwillingly, and being influenced even more by the entreaties of his dear Tagino and Duke Bernhard, the king offered to forgive Margrave Henry, on the condition that all property and people be to him and to his supporters, and that the margrave himself be retained in custardy as long as the king wished.  In tears, Margrave Henry confessed that he was guilty in all things and, in the manner and clothing of a penitent, surrendered himself to the king.  At the king’s order, the archbishop of Magdeburg  led him off to the burg at Giebichenstein and had his warriors guard him carefully, both day and night.  Among his various good works there, the margrave sang the psalter with one hindered and fifty genuflections, all in a single day.

Chapter 4 [1004]

“…Turning in a different direction he [king Henry at Verona versus King Arduin of the Lombards] asked his advisers if it would be at all possible to seize the mountain passes, located some distance from there, with the help of the Carinthians.  After careful consideration, this plan was carried out although it seemed arduous to many.  Immediately obeying the royal commands, the Carinthians divided into two detachments.  Before daybreak , one secretly seized a high point above the passes with foot soldiers.  At dawn the other detachment followed, in order to storm the passes.  The soldiers who had been sent ahead gave them such a loud signal that their enemies would have heard int in their hidden ambushes.  Thinking that their rear was secure, the enemy took up arms and rushed to mer the attackers.  But then our forces attacked their flank, forcing some to flee and other to die by falling from the precipices or into the rising waters of the Brenta.  The victors carefully protected the passes until the king arrived.”

Chapter 10

“Departing from there [Strassburg], the king humbly sought the threshold of the church of Saint Martin at Mainz and celebrated the feast of the Apostles with due veneration [20 June]/  After this, travelling through eastern Franconia, he visited Saxony which he often referred to as the flowery hall of paradise.  In the middle of August, he announced an upcoming military expedition to all who resided under his authority and were faithful to Christ.  And, from his pious heart, he unleashed his secret and long-repressed desire to restrain the savagery of that arrogant Boleslav.  At the stated time, an army was collected in Merseburg and finally moved against the enemy although by stealth.  For the army gave the appearance of going to Poland, with shops having been reserved on the Boritz and Neussen, all this that its subsequent change in direction would not be revealed to the enemy buy anyone whose support was only feigned.  Meanwhile, a heavy rain greatly delayed the army’s crossing of the river.  Thenm when one could have least expected it, the king suddenly headed towards Bohemia.  The roaring lion, with his tail following, tried to prevent his arrival by setting archers on a certain height, located in a forest called Miriquidui, from which every approach could be blocked.  Learning of this, the king secretly sent a small number of armored warriors ahead to force a way through the unwilling enemy and prepare an easy pat for those who followed.  One day, as Boleslav was ding, one of our people, a chaplain of Bishop Reinbern [of Kolberg/Kolobrzeg], remarked on the advent of our army.  When Boleslav asked what he had said, he responded: ‘If they could leap like fogs, they could be here now.’  But one thing is certain had divine love not inspired the king and inflamed the other’s arrogance we would not have won this happy victory so readily.”

Chapter 11 [1004]

“The king was aided by the presence of the exiled Jaromir – his name means ‘firm peace’ – whose hoped-for arrival weakened the resistance of the Bohemian warriors.  Their advice and wish allowed the king to proceed and, at the entry to that region, a castle was willingly surrendered to him,  The king’s progress was delayed somewhat because the Bavarians had not yet arrived.  When he came to the city called Saaz [on the Eger], the residents opened their doors to him, massacred their Polish garrison, and were thereupon accepted as allies.  The king was disturbed at the sight of so much bloodshed and ordered that the survivors be hidden in a church  One of those present maintained that Boleslav had be been killed by his countrymen.  While the king’s supporters rejoiced in God, the corrupt supporters of the false duke were saddened.  The latter secretly murmured among themselves and spread this falsehood from their unjust hearts: if the king were ever to feel completely secure, they would be as nothing, and would have to suffer much harm from him.  Because of this, as fire hiding under the cinders, on this campaign and quite often afterwards, they preferred the enemy of all the faithful to their king.  They were worse than brute animals and did not know that God, the uncreated father who watches from on high, would reach down from heaven to rescue his early vicar from their wickedness.”

Chapter 12 [1004]

“Then, at the king’s order, Jaromir was sent ahead with our best warriors and with his local supporters to capture or kill the venomous serpent at Prague.  But among this group were informers who gave a detailed account of the plan to Boleslav ,already quite confident in the face of such danger.  Warned by this message, he made secret preparations.  In the middle of the following night, as he heard bells summoning the people to battle in the nearby burg Wyschegrad, he went out with his best warriors and fled to his homeland.  Sobieslav, a brother of Adalbert, bishop and martyr of Christ, pursued him and was wounded on a bridge.  This gave great joy to his enemies but caused his friends unspeakable sadness.  On the following day, Jaromir arrived.  He received petitioners before the door to the city, confirming rights and granting forgiveness for past offenses.  After being allowed to enter, he wa joyfully installed in his former dignity and, removing his simple clothing, put on more costly garments.  His warriors presented him with whatever booty had been seized as their enemies fled or were killed.  Delighted with the many gifts, he was then led to Wyscherad where his rulership was acclaimed and he promised both the king’s favour and a long-desired reward to those who had persevered with him until this point.  From all sides, a huge crowd of both lesser and greater men gathered both to seek the new duke’s favour and to await the glorious king’s arrival.  When the king finally arrived he was received by Bishop Thieddeg and Duke Jaromir and led to the church of Saint George, amid the rejoicing of the clergy and people.  Then, before an assembly of the entire populace, the king immediately honoured Jaromir by bestowing upon him the rights held by his father.”

Chapter 13 [1004]

“While in Prague, the king wished to celebrate the birth of the holy Mother of God which the whole world celebrates [8 September].  Hence, he ordered Gottschalk, venerable pastor of the church of Freising – true to his name!* – to sing the mass an instruct the people, permission for this having been given by the bishop of that place…”

* note: “His name means ‘servant of God.'”

Chapter 14 [1004]

“After everything had been taken care of at Prague, the king sent the Bavarians home.  In the company of the new duke of the Bohemians, he then invaded the nearby lands of the Milzeni, making his way by an unspeakably difficult march, and besieged the burg Bautzen [Budisin].  One day, while encouraging his faithful to attack, the king would have been injured by an arrow shot from the ramparts had divine providence not protected him.  Instead, the arrow injured someone standing very close to him, thereby fulfilling the enemy’s goal with another.  The king humbly raised his heart and offered praise to God who had once again bestowed his love and protection upon him, despite his unworthiness.  As for the aforementioned burg, fires had been set all around it and it would have gone up in flames if Margrave Gunzelin had not hindered this through a most unfortunate command.”

Chapter 15 [1004]

“Many were wounded on both sides and some were killed.  On our side, Hemuzo, a warrior noble in lineage and vigorous in manner, had repeatedly provoked the occupants and pursued them almost to the walls, but he was killed when half of a millstone struck his helmeted head.  The jeering enemy dragged his corpse into the burg.  Count Henry, my brother, who was his vassal, ransomed his body and returned it to his homeland.  Another warrior, called ‘wild Tommo’ because of his constant pursuit of wild game, was vigorously resisting the enemy on the river Spree when the wet rocks caused him to slip.  Alas, though protected for a long time by the best of armour, he finally died from a wound.  While trying to prevent him from being dragged away, one of his retainers was stabbed from above by a spear and killed.  Now, when the suffering of war was almost over, Boleslav sent a messenger who arranged for the burg to be surrendered to the king in return for the lives of the defenders.  It was then secured with a new garrison.  After this, the king returned home with his army which was exhausted by the journey and lack of food.  Wherever necessary, he supported the margraves with the usual reinforcements.”

Chapter 16 [1004]

“While in Mersburg, where he indulged in some long-sought rest, he learned that the venerable Count Esiko had died in Lübschtz after a long illness…”

Chapter 19 [1005]

“The king attacked the Frisians with a fleet forcing them to cease their defiant behaviour and placate the fury of the queen’s sister, Liudgard.  In the palace and in all the countships of his realm, and under the royal ban, he announced an expedition against Poland, naming Leitzkau* as the place of assembly.  The army was assembled there at the proper time, that is 16 August.  The king was celebrating the feast of the Assumption of the Mother of God at Magdeburg [15 August].  Following the completion of his liturgical and charitable obligations, he crossed the Elbe on the same day as the army, with the queen accompanying him.”

* This is the formerly Slavic (Morziani tribe of the Liutici/Veleti confederation) town of Liezka.

Chapter 22 [1005]

“After putting the army in order, the king set forth.  The queen quickly retraced her steps and anxiously a waitered her beloved lord’s return in Saxony.  Our army arrived at a place called Dobrilugk, in the region of Lausitz, where it was strengthened by the forces of Dukes Henry and Jaromir.  The dukes lifted the army’s spirits and fortified it with their good council and bravery.  Traitorous leaders, intent on preserving their own property, led the army through wastelands and swamps where it was much oppressed and, in their evil spitefulness, they prevented it from quickly attacking the enemy.  After reaching the region called Neiss, a camp was set up next to the river Spree.  There, the celebrated warrior Thiedbern learned that the enemy was preparing an ambush.  Desiring to gain the highest praise for himself, he gathered the best of his comrades and tried to trap the enemy by stealth.  But their enemies were very careful.  That they might better hurt pursuers they fled among the thickness of the fallen trees and, as usual, shot the arrows which were their best offensive weapon.  Thus, on 6 September, they were able to kill and despoil any who were careless: chiefly Thiedbern, and then Bernhard, Isi, and Benno, illustrious retainers of Bishop Arnulf, as well as many other warriors.  The king and his entire entourage took the loss very hard and, so credible witnesses report, Boleslav also grieved.”

[* note: We’ve already discussed Thietmar’s Liutizi religious passages here but we include all of them again, this time in David Warner’s translation.]

“After this, the Liutizi joined us.  They came, with images of their gods preceding them, on the day before we were to have arrived at the river Oder.”

Chapter 23 [1005]

“Although I shudder to say anything about them, nevertheless, in order that you, dear reader, may better understand the vain superstition and meaningless worship of this people, I will briefly explain who they are and from whence they have come.  In the region of the Redrarii, there is a burg called Riedegost which has three corners and three doors.  It is surrounded everywhere by a great forest which the inhabitants hold to be inviolable and holy.  Two of its doors offer entry to all.  The third door faces the east and is the smallest.  It opens on to a path leading to a lie that is located nearby and is utterly dreadful in appearance.  In the burg, there is nothing other than a skillfully made wooden shrine supported on a foundation composed of the horns of different types of animals.  Marvellous sculpted images of gods and goddesses adorn its outer walls, so it seems to the observer.  Inside, stand gods made by human hands, each with a nam inscribed and frightfully clothed with helmets and armour.  Among them, Swarozyc occupies the first place and all the heathens honour and worship him above the others.  Their banners may never be removed from this place except in time of war an then only by warriors on foot.”

Chapter 24 [1005]

“To carefully protect this shrine, the inhabitants have instituted special priests. When they convene there to offer sacrifices to the idols or assuage their anger, these priests sit while everyone else stands.  Murmuring together in secret, they tremble and dig in the earth so that, after casting lots, they may acquire certainty in regard to any questionable matters.  When this is finished, they cover the lots with green grass and, after placing two spears crosswise on the ground, humbly lead over them a horse which they believe to be the largest of all and venerate as sacred.  That which the casting of lots had already revealed to them, should also be foretold by this almost divine beast.  If the same omen appears in both cases, it is carried out in fact. Otherwise, the unhappy folk immediately reject it.  An ancient but equally false tradition also testifies that, if the harsh savagery of a long period of internal warfare is imminent, a great boar whose teeth are white and glistening with foam will emerge from that same lake and appear to many witnesses while happily disporting itself in the mire with a terrible shaking.”

Chapter 25 [1005]

“Each region of this land has a temple and a special idol which is worshipped by these unbelievers, but the burg mentioned above has precedence over all.  When going to war, they depart from here and, if they return victorious, they honour the place with appropriate gifts.  Just as i have mentioned, they carefully inquire, by casting lots and consulting the horse, what their priests should offer to their gods.  Their unspeakable fury is mitigated by the blood of human beings and animals. There is no individual lord who presides over all of these people who are collectively referred to as Liutizi.  When important issues are discussed at an assembly, there must be unanimous agreement before any action can be undertaken. If one of their countermen opposes such a decision during an assembly, he is beatern with rods.  If outside the assembly, and openly, he must either lose everything through burning an immediate confiscation, or he must come before that body and, in accordance with his status, pay compensation for his sin.  These unbelieving and fickle people nonetheless demand reliability and great loyalty from others.  They make peace by offering hair cut from the top of their heads and grass, and by joining their right hands, but the desire for riches will easily move them to violate it.  Such warriors, once our servants, now free because of our wickedness, came with their gods for the purpose of supporting the king.  Dear reader, avoid both their society and their cult!  Rather, hear and obey the mandates of divine scripture! If you learn and commit to memory the faith declared by Bishop Athanasius, the things that I have recounted above will rightly appear meaningless to you.”

Chapter 26 [1005]

“From there, under unequal leaders, the dissimilar bands advanced to the river Oder and set up their tents next to a stream called Bober in Slavic, but Castor in Latin.  Having fortified the banks of the river, Boleslav waited at Krossen with a large army, seeking at all costs to prevent a crossing.  The king delayed there for sven days and had boats and bridges constructed, but then, divine province revealed an excellent ford to the scouts he had sent out.  At the king’s order, six war bands entered the river there at dawn and came across safely.  Boleslav’s guards observed this from a distance and quickly sent the sad and incredible message to their lord.  After three or more scouts had assured him that his was true, he quickly dismantled his camp and fled, along with his army, leaving much behind.  After carefully observing  this, at the head of his army, the king joined the clergy and people in chanting praises to God, and safely crossed the river.  If we had not waited for the long-hesitating Liutizi, those who preceded could have surprised and overpowered their enemies while stil in their tents.  Although our forces pursued the enemy vigorously, they fled like deer and could not be caught.  Hence, our warriors returned to their comrades.”

Chapter 27 [1005]

“From here the king moved on to the abbey called Meseritz where he was able to celebrate the annual feast of the Theban legion with the greatest veneration [22 September].  He also took strong measures to prevent his forces from inflicting any damage on the church or the residences of the absent monks.  The enemy did not dare to spend the night in any of their burgs as the king pursued them, wasting everything in his path and stopping barely to miles from the burg Poznan at the request of hies leading men.  Nevertheless, when the army scattered to gather food and other necessities, it suffered heavy losses from the enemy’s ambushes.  Meanwhile, Boleslav sought the king’s favour through trustworthy intermediaries and it was immediately granted.  At Boleslav’s request, Arhcbishop Tagino and others who are close to the king came to Poznan.  After appropriate compensation and promises had been proffered they concluded a peace agreement.  Our forces, suffering grievously from the long journey, lack of food and general savagery of war, were happy to return home.”

Chapter 28 [1006]

“After this campaign , the king sought to strengthen the wholesome security which our region had long desired by rooting out the authors of iniquity [December 1005-April 1006].  He ordered that his celebrated retainer, Brunkio, be hanged with a rope, at Merseburg.  Along with their followers, Boris and Vezemiskle, leading men among the Slavs, suffered the same fate at Fallersleben. At Werben on the Elbe, the king held frequent meetings with the Slavs during which, whether they wised to or not, he took up issues crucial to the realm and forcefully settled them.  For the safety of the homeland, he restored the previously devastated Arneburg and returned property that had been wrongfully taken from it a long time ago.  Through the judgement of a synod, issued in his presence and by canonical and apostolic authority, he forbade both illegal marriages and there selling of Christians to the heather, ordering that those who rejected the justice of God be destroyed with the spiritual sword.”

Chapter 30 [1007]

“…As he was gradually accumulating everything necessary for the celebration of the divine mysteries, he constantly entreated Bishop Henry of Wuerzburg, one of his familiares, that he might agree to this heartfelt plan and, in return for compensation, surrender parochial rights over that district which is named after the river Regnitz…”

Chapter 33 [1007]

“It is rare tfor the heavens to shine brightly without the shadows of dark clouds following.  Thus, while the king was celebrating Easter at Regensburg, representatives of the Liutizi and the large city of Wollin, and also Duke Jaromir, informed him that BOleslav was trying to instigate a great conspiracy against him and employing both his words and riches to lure them into it [April 6th]. They also told the king that he could no longer rely on their loyal service if he continued to grant Boleslav his peace and favour.  The king carefully considered the situate with his leading men.  After receiving different opinions from them, and accepting their hostile viewpoint, he sent, Boleslav’s own son-in-law, Herman, to announce to the duke that their pact of mutual peace had ended.  Boleslav had learned of this embassy through intermediaries and, though he had previously invited the count to visit, did not accord him a friendly reception.  When he received the king’s message, he made a great effort to justify himself, saying: ‘May Christ, who knows all, be my witness! That which I must do, I do unwillingly!’ Afterwards, he assembled an army and ravaged the district of Moeckern which is located near Magdeburg. Boleslav’s hostility also destroyed the bonds of Christian fraternity which he had previously established with the Magdeburgers.  Then, moving on to the burg called Zerbst, he conquered the occupants with dire threats and sweet encouragement, and led them away with him.  Our forces learned of these events, but were slow to arrive and hesitant in their pursuit.  Archbishop Tagino, their leader, knew about everything ahead of time, but had not made sufficient preparations.  I was also with him.  When we had all arrived at the place called Jueterbog, the wisest were of the opinion that pursuit of the enemy with such a small force would not be advisable and so, we returned.”

Chapter 34 [1007]

“Nevertheless, Boleslav then occupied Lausitz, Sorau, and Selpuli.  Not long afterwards, this wicked father-in-law also besieged the burg Bautzen which was defended by a garrison provided by Margrave Herman.  Through messengers, he urged the occupants to surrender this burg to him without a fight, noting that they could hope for no rescue from their lord.  A truce was arranged on the seventh day.  While Boleslav prepared for a n assault, the besieged sent a messenger, to humbly ask for help from their lord and from the leading men of the realm, with the promise that they would resist the enemy for another seven days.  Margrave Herman came to Magdeburg where he approached Walthard, who was then provost, and sent messengers to summon each of the leading men individually.  He complained bitterly about their sluggish response and sent messhegers to reassure his own milites. The latter had suffered much from Boleslav’s constant attacks which they had resisted both long and vigorously.  When they saw that some of their comrades were wavering, however, and that their lord still had not freed them, they arranged with the duke to had over the burg in return for permission to leave with all their possessions.  In sorrow, they returned to their homeland.”

Chapter 49 [1009]

“Meanwhile, Count Dedi brought great shame upon my cousin through his words and deeds and, in so doing, reawakened an evil that he thought long forgotten.  For with his advice and aid the burg of Werner’s father, our Wolmirstedt – it is called Ustiure in Slavic, because Ohre and Elbe flow together here – had been burned down and pillaged.  All of this roused the spirit of the excellent young man’s heart. Thus, when he learned for certain that Dedi was riding out of the burg Tangermuende, so called because there the river Tanger flows into the Elbe, he want after him, taking only brother Frederick and no more than twenty armed men.  He caught up with Dedi near the village of Mose, on a high plain that permitted one to see very far.  He attacked vigorously, and immediately note than forty of his enemy’s allies fled, leaving Dedi and his retainer, Egilard to die, despite their valiant resistance.  After this, Werner justly lost that which he had previously come close to losing unjustly through Dedi’s slander.

Chapter 50 [1009]

If you wish to hear of Dedi’s origins you should know that he was of the lineage of the Bukkonen and his father was Dietrich. From childhood he serve dMargrave Rikdag, who was a relative, and distinguished himself through both his spiritual and physical excellence.  As I have mention,d he also led the rebellious Bohemians against us at the church of Zeitz [see book 3, 18]. Ranging far and wide with them, he brought devastation to the land and wen t so far as to capture his own mother, including her among the booty as if he were her enemy rather than her son.  After this, he made his peace with King Otto III and quickly aimed his favour and trust. Meanhile, Count Bio of Merseburg died during a  military expedition.  Through Archbusio Giselher’s influence, Bio’s country, which lay between the Wipper, Saale, Salza and WIlderbach, was ceded to Dedi.  For himself and his brother Frederick, Dedi also obtained the fortress district of Zoerbig that his ancestors had possessed as a benefice…”

Chapter 51 [1009]

“In those days, Bishop Dietrich of Metz and his brother, Duke Henry, along with other conspirators, were a source of great annoyance to the king and his supporters [July-August].  Nevertheless, Dietrich also brought irreparable harm upon himself and his successors.  For the Slavs, who have no fear of God, pillaged both a church located outside the city of Metz and the congregation that served it.  The king compensated for most of the damage through oaths and from his own property, and ordered all of his warriors to take care that such an incident did not occur again.  They had destroyed vineyards, building, grain, and other useful things.  Not long afterwards, I saw a letter which stated that hunger and need had forced eight hundred dependents of Saint Stephen to flee their homeland, without the permission of their superiors.  The letter did not mention those who had been given permission to leave.  It would have been better for this church if that man had never been born [Dietrich].”

Chapter 53 [1009]

“Meanwhile, Count Herman and Margrave Gunzelin were feuding, but did battle with each other in a manner unusual for our region.  For after vainly trying to conquer the burg Strehla, which was guarded by Herman’s millites, Gunzelin turned his attention to the burg Rochlitz, located next to the river Mulde and not well guarded, and had it burned to the ground…”

Chapter 54 [1009]

“After this incident came to the king’s attention, he immediately hurried to Merseburg inn order to suds it more carefully, There, after listening to the statements of the two counts, he assigned all the blame to Gunzelin. The latter having disregarded the king on many occasions in the past, should not have expected him to avenge his present disgrace.  The king added that he had received more than a few complaints from people that Gunzelin had sold their dependents to the Jews.  Gunzelin had shown no inclination either to order their return or to restrain the banditry which he himself had instigated to the detriment of so many.  It was also noted that he enjoyed more avour with his brother-in-law, Boleslav Chrobry, than was appropriate for him or acceptable to the king.  Among those present were some who personally wished to accuse Gunzelin of treason.  The king then asked the leading men to give their collective opinion regarding the many complaints and also to assess the justification suggested by Gunzelin and his supporters.  After deliberating in private for a long time, they offered the following response.  We recognize that this man’s behaviour towards you is not inexcusable.  It is our opinion that he should submit himself unconditionally to your mercy.  You, however, following the admonitions of our most merciful God, should provide an example to all who might wish to turn to you, namely by displaying that mercy of which you possess an abundant supply and by rejecting the model of behaviour that he himself has followed.  Concurring with this opinion, the king received Gunzelin and placed him in the secure custody of Bishop Arnulf.  He provided for the continued protection of Meissen against enemy attacks and placed it temporarily in the care of Frederick.  The following autumn, on the recommendation of the queen and instigation of his dear Tagino, and also with the advice and agreement of the same leading men, he gave the march to Count Herman.”

Chapter 55 [1009]

“Meanwhile, it was the turn of Count Brun, the brother of Gunzelin, to guard the previously mentioned burg Meissen.  And behold, the day before Count Herman was to arrive at the burg that had been promised to him, a large band of Poles crossed the Elbe at dan and silently approached its entrance.  Because the warriors were in place, however, the invaders found no easy way to enter and so they returned sadly though unfortunately without injury.  As it turned out, the leaders of the incursion were two Withasen from the suburb [see book 5, chapter 9]. They rightly paid for their presumption with their own blood.  Boleslav awaited them at Bautzen, suspended between hope and fear.  When he saw his people arriving, he took the loss very seriously.  After this, Count Herman was installed by a representative of the king and thereupon repaid his debtors whatever they had given him, affirming this with his right hand.”

Chapter 56 [1009]

“During this summer and the winter following, the king made peace with his enemies, thereby following both good advice and his own inclination.  His thoughts turned constantly, moreover, to the shame and injury that Boleslav had inflicted upon him.  Accordingly, after Easter, he issued a ferocious order indicating that an expedition was to be undertaken.  The army was to assemble on Margrave Gero’s lands at Belgern, which means ‘beautiful mountain.’* Then Duke Bernhard and and Provost Walthard went  ahead to see if they could bring Boleslav to his senses.  Finding nothing there that pleased them, they returned. Among those who came to Belgern was Jaromir, the illustrious duke of the Bohemians and a faithful supporter of the king. I also cannot omit the great misfortune that befell the margrave.  All of us – and I exclude no one -acted as though we were Gero’s enemies rather than his friends. With the sole exception of his dependants, we destroyed everything, much of it by fire.  The king did not seek revenge for this offence, nor did he offer protection.”

* note: Alt-Belgern.  The expedition took place between the middle of August and the end of September, 1010 (BG 1735a). Bel-gern is the Germanized versions of Biała Góra (White or Pretty (Bela) Mountain).

Chapter 57 [1010]

“From Belgern, we went to the district of Lausitz.  The burg Gehren is located att he entrance of this district and takes its name from Margrave Gero.  As Gero was a large man, he was called Gero ‘the great’.  At Gheren two brothers from the burg Brandenburg, in the district of the Heveli, were captured.  They had sought out Boleslav in order to provoke his animosity against the king. When they left, however, they were snared in the trap which they themselves had secretly prepared. After being questioned about many things, and behaving indicated their unwillingness to provide any answers, both were killed by being hanged from the same height.  At the is point, both the king and h dear Tagino became ill.  This caused the leading men anxiously to consider what should be done in regard to the expedition that had just begun.  Finally, they decided that the king should return, along with certain of the bishops and everyone else who had taken ill. Bishops Arnulf and Meinwerk, Duke Jaromir, Margrave Gero, Herman, and several others were to pillage the districts of Silesia and Diadesi.  And so it was done.”

Chapter 58 [1010]

“Together and fully armed, these lords passed by the burg Glogow where Boleslav himself was residing and could see them.  This aroused the spirits of his warriors who were watching from the walls.  Addressing their duke, they asked why he suffered such an outrage and requested permission to do battle.  Boleslav answer them in the following way: ‘The army you see may be small in numbers, but it is great in courage and its warriors have been specially selected.  If I were to attack them, regardless of whether I won or lost, I would be weakened in the future.  The king can always raise another army.  It is much better for us to endure this now and find some other occasion to attack their arrogance, if possible, without much harm to ourselves.’ Thus he calmed the insolent spirits of his warrior.  During this campaign, his wish to do us harm remained unfulfilled.  Although frequently delayed by rain, our forced inflicted much damage on the enemy.  Finally, after pillaging far and wide, the Bohemians went back to their homeland and our forces happily returned to the Elbe, through the lands of the Milzeni.  Messengers were sent ahead to inform the king of our success and imminent return.  By the grace of God, the king was again healthy and happily received both the messengers and those who followed, at Merseburg.  Archbishop Tagino had separated from the king at Strehla.  He rejoined him after his own health returned, and after he had celebrated the feast of try Thebas at Magdeburg [September 22].”

Chapter 59 [1011/1012]

“After deliberating on many issues of pressing concern to our troubled homeland, the king again visited the western regions and subdued the fickle minds of the inhabitants with the bridle of wisdom.  He happily celebrated the feast of the birth of the Lord at Poehlde. Afterwards, he again visited dear Merseburg where he established a mutual pace for five years. On the advice of a few, he ordered that the burg Lebusa be rebuilt and strengthened.  Alas, in the same year, the outcome that many predicted would follow the king’s order actually did occur.  We went to Lebusa at the end of January and celebrated the feast of the Purification of the holy Mother go God February 2]. Our assigned task was accomplished  in fourteen days and, after securing the place with a  garrison, we departed.  Near by and to the north was another burg which was separated from the first only by a single valley.  This burg had twelve door.  I surveyed it with great diligence and decided, on the authority of Lucan, that it was a large Roman structure and the work of Julius Caesar.* It could have held more than ten thousand men.  The smaller structure, which we had just restored, had been empty since the time of King Henry [see book 1, chapter 16]. After I have recounted the events that occurred in the meantime, I will explain the tearful fate that quickly befell this place.”

“In the previous summer, on August 10, the monastery at Walbeck was destroyed by fire, along with four churches, all of its bells, and with other structures belonging to it.  All of this happened because of my sins.”

* note: Lucan Pharsalia 6.29-65.

Chapter 65 [1012]

“Although nobility of lineage and manner attracted Tagino’s admiration, he did not disdain persons of lesser character, but merely kept them at a distance.  He loved those who worshipped Christ, but persecuted anyone who spurned him, with righteous anger. He carefully tended to everything that God had committed to him, and tried to increase it.  Before celebrating the divine mysteries, he was very serious. Afterwards, however, he smiled and was friendly with everyone.  He frequently sang the Kyrie eleison with his household. For my part, I can scarcely number the many gifts he lovingly bestowed upon me, though I was unworthy of them.  I know only this, that I never responded to him with suitable repayment.  By no means, did I render the obedient service which, during my examination, I had promised to him and to his successors.  For his church, he acquired the burgs Arneburg, Frohse, and Prettin, as well as an estate formerly belonging to Count Esiko.  The episcopal vestments he acquired were splendid and rich.  As I have already mentioned, this column of the church stood for eight years, four months, and eight days before it fell, at least in terms of this world. Nevertheless, it will stand of ever in the invisible temple of the Lord, to which it has been removed.  Unger, pastor of the monastery at Poznań, died on the same day, in the thirtieth year after his ordination [June 9].  What has been said here will suffice, and I can now return to my original theme.”

Chapter 67 [1012]

“… Furthermore since he [the king] wished to launch another attack on his brothers-n-law, he asked those of his leading men who were present how matters stood in their campaign against Boleslav.  The king committed the entire issue to the care of the newly installed bishop [Walthard?], along with all of his property in Saxony.  On the same day, we all departed fro home [June 15].”

Chapter 68 [1012]

“The following Saturday, at the king’s command, Bishop Arnulf enthroned Archbishop Walthard at Magdeburg, where both were received with honour and great joy [June 21].  The following day, Walthard was anointed by the venerable Eid, third bishop of the church of Meissen, with help from his fellow bishops, Wigo, Hildeward, and Erich [June 22].  I assisted as well, though most unworthy, and we were aided by Bishop Arnulf…”

Chapter 69 [1012]

“Meanwhile, at the request of messenger sent by Boleslav, Walthard went to Zuetzen for the purpose of making peace,  He was accorded a magnificent reception  and remained there for two nights. He returned, having accomplished nothing, but richly rewarded with gifts. Soon it was July 24, the day on which the prosed military campaign was supposed to begin.,  We assembled at the village of Schrenz, and from there moved towards Belgern.  Meanwhile, the leading men decided that it would be better to secure the march with troops rather than proceed any farther.  During the following night, the archbishop suffered from severe headaches [August 2].  In the morning, I tried to visit him, and had to wait for a long time as he lingered in his tent.  When he finally came out, he complained that he was in great pain, but noted his plans to visit the queen, then residing in Merseburg, and promised to speak with me there.  After I departed, Walthard celebrated the mass, though previously disinclined to do so, because it was the feast of the first martyr of Christ as well as a Sunday [August 3].  Unfortunately, it was the last time he would perform this task.”

Chapter 71 [1012]

“On Tuesday, before prime, I visited Walthard again [August 12].  This time, Bishop Eid was present and continually offered prayers for him.  When I had entered the chamber in which that pious man lay, I no longer heard him speaking and realized that he was no longer entirely conscious.  While he still lived, bishops Arnulf, Hildeward, Meinwerk, and Erich arrived and, together, offered him their blessing and absolution.  I, though a sinner, anointed the most painful spots with consecrated oil.  Duke Jaromir was also present.  On Holy Saturday prior to the most recent celebration of the Lord’s Resurrection, his brother an retainer, Ulrich, completely unmindful of his debt, had expelled him from the kingdom oft he Bohemians [April 12].  The duke then tried to flee to Boleslav who, though close in terms of blood relations, had hitherto treated him as an enemy.*  Jaromir had hoped that Walthard’s intercession would allow him to obtain the king’s favour, knowing that he was helpful to all in need and expecting to fin him healthy.  When he saw how Walthard had declined, however, he tearfully sought to commend himself to his care, and thereby to ours as well.  As for the archbishop, I do not know what he say to his left, but as his end approached, he protected himself by vigorously making the sign of the cross with his right hand.  Then, with body and face turned, his face contracted as though he was about to cry, but soon relaxed and seemed happy.”

[*note: Boleslav and Jaromir were cousins as the latter’s father (Boleslav II of Bohemoa) was the brother of Dobrawa, the Polish duke’s mother (Thietmar, Book IV, chapters 55-56)].

Chapter 79 [1012]

“I was on guard duty at Meissen when that venerable man appeared to me, on the feast day of the Apostles Simon and Jude, just after matins [October 28].  Since I knew the dead man well, I immediately asked how things were with him… [Thietmar describes his encounter with the ghost of Walthard…]”

Chapter 80 [1012]

“Upon learning of the archbishop’s death, Boleslav [Chrobry] assembled an army and attacked Lebusa.  He even set up camp there, knowing that the flood waters of the Elbe would prevent us from coming to its aid.  His warriors approached, eager for battle, but encountered little resistance from the defenders.  No more than once thousand men defended this burg although three times that number would have barely sufficed. While sitting at his morning meal Boleslav watched as his victorious followers joyfully entered the burg.  The door was opened and the blood of many was spilled.  Among the most prestigious captives were Gunzelin, Wiso, and Isich, the commander of the burg, who had also been wounded.  For whatever reason, the burg had been entrusted to Isich’s protection, but he had finally lost it, not through cowardice but through wretched misfortune.  All of these men were brought before their proud conqueror who immediately ordered that they be taken away and carefully guarded.  Among the duke’s followers, no fewer than five hundred remained on the field of battle.  This miserable slaughter took place on August 20.*”

“After the booty had been divided and the burg set afire, the victorious army departed for home, amid much rejoicing, and accompanied by its lord.”

[*note: the large number of casualties is also noted in the necrology at Merseburg (NMer., 20 August, 5r, p. 11).]

Chapter 83 [1012]

“Meanwhile, Jaromir, of whom I spoke, humbly sought the king’s favour.  Instead of mercy and restitution, however, he found exile and imprisonment with Bishop Adalbold, Bishop Ansfrid’s successor.  Such punishment was due to Jaromirfor having slaughtered the Bavarians as they were bringing gifts to Boleslav, and for having killed persons entrusted to his care, but not because of any disloyalty to the king. Our enemies made sport of us when they heard the news, but our countrymen feared that it would not be to their advantage.  Those who gave such advice to our king should themselves experience the results of this deed.  After this, at the king’s invitation, Jaromir’s brother, Ulrich, came to Merseburg.  There, the kingdom he had unlawfully seized was willingly conveyed to him as a gift.  At the same time, alas, there was much destruction due to flooding, the result of frequent downpours, and an invasion of pirates.  With the Danube flooding in Bavaria, and the waters of the Rhine covering the land, an unspeakable number of people, cattle, and houses were destroyed.  Indeed, the force of the flood uprooted a large number of trees.  The inhabitants of these regions asserted that neither they nor their ancestors had ever experienced such a thing.  Lamenting that this had occurred because of their many sins, they feared that something worse was still to come.  Yet, after this long digression, I should return to my theme.

Chapter 89 [1013]

“Meanwhile, the king departed from Allstedt where he had celebrated the Lord’s epiphany [January 6] and had received messengers from Boleslav who asked for a truce and promised that Miesco, Boleslav’s son, would confirm it.  Then, the king came to Merseburg, where he learned of Archbishop Liawizo’s death…”

Chapter 90 [1013]

“After a few days, Boleslav’s son Miesco [II], arrived bearing splendid gifts.  He became the king’s man and swore an oath of loyalty to him.  Then, he was sent off with great honour and satisfaction so that he would come again.  In those days, after sundown, a great storm raged and greatly disturbed all of us.  Indeed, it destroyed a church, located outside the city, which had been constructed of red wood during the reign of the first Otto.  A fire also destroyed much of the archbishop’s property.  Furthermore, it came to the king’s attention that my cousin Werner, and Ekkehard, the brother of Margrave Herman, had visited Boleslav without permission and said many things contrary to the king’s favour.  Here, in our homeland, they had secretly received Boleslav’s messengers.  The king took all of this very seriously and ordered both men to appear before him.  When they did not dare to comply, all their property was confiscated and they were declared guilty of resisting the king’s power.  Nevertheless, by offering land and gold, my cousin managed to regain both the king’s favour and the right to remain within the realm.  Ekkehard was only restored to grace much later, through faithful intercession.  In that same year, on March 18, the hermit Wonlef died.  He was a true Israelite [John 1:47].”

Chapter 91 [1013]

“During the following Lent, the king came to Werla where he suffered from an extended attack of colic and had visions in which many things were revealed to him.  Finally, through the tears and prayers of many, he recovered his health.  There was no longer enough time for him to reach his intended destination.  Hence, he celebrated the paschal feast at Paderborn, with appropriate solemnity, in the company of Meinwerk with whom he was very close [April 5]. He spent Pentecost with us [May 24].  Boleslav arrived on the vigil of this feast, having left hostages at home to guarantee his safety [May 23].  He was accorded the best reception.  On the feast day itself, he commended himself into the king’s hands and became his man.  After swearing an oath, Boleslav acted as the king’s arms-bearer as he processed to the church while wearing the crown.  On Monday, he appeased the king by bestowing magnificent gifts that came not only from him, but also from his wife.  He received much better and more through the king’s largesse, and also obtained the long-desired benefice.  His hostages were thereupon released, with honour, and in a friendly manner.  Afterwards, with our help, he attacked Russia and laid waste to a good part of its territory.  When a fight broke out between his own people and the generally hospitable Petchenegs, he ordered all of the latter to be slaughtered, even though they had supported him…”

Chapter 92

“While traveling in the regions to the west, the king made preparations for his trip to Lombardy and returned again to us.  From thence, on September 21, he set forth for the place called [lacuna], hastening through the lands of the Bavarians and Swabians.  From all directions, the army conveyed on this place and duly expressed its desire to render assistance.  Without a hint of anxiety, the king then went on to Rome.  The queen accompanied him.  Although his support for this trip had already been requested, Boleslav did nothing and, as usual, was revealed as a liar despite this attractive promises.  Morevover, in a letter to the pope, he complained that the king’s secret plots prevented him from paying true tax he had promised to Saint Peter, Prince of the Apostles.  Then, he sent spies to find out how the king was held in these parts and, wherever possible, lure men away from his favour.  Thus did he show his respect for God, and this did he seek the intervention of pious men!  So firm was the faith of the celebrated warrior and so did he observe his terrible oaths! Observe, dear reader, how the king acted in the course of so many shameful acts.  If he either recognized that he had greatly sinned or knew of any justifiable complaint against him, he ordered the canons to be placed before him so that he could discover how this sin ought to be emended.  Then, in accordance with those writings, he immediately set about correcting whatever crime had been committed.  Nevertheless, he is still more inclined to sin recklessly than to remain in salutary penance.”

Chapter 93

“Arduin, Boleslav’s equal and virtual colleague, falsely called king by the Lombards, was aggrieved at the arrival of the great king and at the power of his army.  Having no confidence in the ability of his own forces to do battle with them, however, he immediately withdrew to the protection of a burg…”

Chapter 94 [1004?]

“Before I take up these matters, however, Iwill add to my text a few things that were omitted owing to my forgetfulness…”

“Not long afterwards, however, he [Brun] left the king’s service to pursue a life of solitude and lived by his own labours. Following the death of that most glorious emperor [Otto III], when Henry II ruled by the grace of God, Brun came to Mersebur, with the pope’s permission, to ask for the office of bishop.  At the pope’s command, he was consecrated by Archbishop Tagino and also received the pallium which he had brought with him [August or November 1004]. Then, for the profit of his soul, he took upon himself the labour of a long and wide-ranging trip, while constantly chastising his body with fasts and torturing it with vigils.  He received many gifts from Boleslav and other wealthy people , but quickly divided them among churches, his companions, and the poor, retaining nothing for himself.”

Chapter 95

“In the twelfth year of his most excellent conversion, Brun travelled to Prussia.  He hoped to make this sterile land bear fruit by sowing a divine seed, but could not easily soften that horrid place, bristling with thorns.  Later, while he was trying to preach near the border between this land and Russia, the residents first forbade him to do so, and then when he continued evangelizing, seized him.  For the love of Christ, the head of the church, Brunn was himself beheaded on February 14*, meek as a lamb, and accompanied by his eighteen companions.  The bodies of so many martyrs remained unburied until Boleslav, being informed of this, ransomed them and thereby secured the solace of his hour for the future.  These events occurred in the time of that most serene King Henry.  Through the triumph of such a great bishop, omnipotent God had both honoured and, as I hope, saved him.  Much later, the bishop’s father became ill and, as he himself told me, was advised by his son to receive the habit of a monk. He slept in peace on October 19.”

[* note: probably March 9 as per AQ and translator]

Chapter 99 [1014]

“Here I must add that Duke Ulrich of the Bohemians, whose name means ‘mammon of iniquity’, ordered that his celebrated warrior, Boso, be put to death along with manny others.  He did this because he had heard false rumors that they were giving aid to his exiled brother.  From these murders, all should carefully learn ho to protect themselves in the future.  Because of blind ambition, that which the Lord strongly orders to be observed, in both testaments, cannot be fulfilled in those regions.  Ulrich feared his brother, though he should shave loved him above all, and wwas always concerned to keep hint at a distance.  At one time, during the reign of Duke Swentepolk, the Bohemians were our rulers.  Indeed, our ancestors paid an annual tribute to the duke and he had bishops in his land, who is called Moravia.  He and his successors lost all of  this because of their excessive pride since, as the gospel testifies, humility always increases while the height of arrogance declines.  Without the greatest fear, no one can rule in those lands.  Falsehood reigns there, in alliance with receipt, and pure love laments an outcast.”

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September 29, 2017

Izvestia

Published Post author

Albrecht Greule’s Deutsches Gewässernamenbuch is a nice introduction to the study of Central European hydronames.

It is, however, far from complete.  I am not talking about additional entries that could have been provided or additional thinking that could have been done in respect to certain other entries. All that is true and, not as important for the present point.

Take a look at the entry for Saale.  There are three such Saales in Germany: Frankish, Thuringian and one by the town of Duingen.

The entry for the Thuringian one is as follows:

We are told by Greule that this river is mentioned as:

  • Salas potamos (in a 12th century manuscript of Strabo’s Geography)
  • Salas fluvium (in a 9th century copy referring to circa 830) (this is from Einhard: Salam fluvium, qui Thuringos et Sorabos dividit)
  • trans Salam in 945

Then Greule launches into the names of the place in 1109, 1325, 1365, 1433 and 1520 while also mentioning Salauelda in 899 and 942.

But the name that does not get mentioned is the one used by Al-Bakri in his copy of the travel report of Ibrahim ibn Yaqub – Çalâwa or Slawah  which travel report is dated to 965/966.

The later “Polish Annals” (14th century) also say:

“Bolezlavus Magnus, qui Chrabri dicitur, natus est.  Iste Bohemos et Ungaros subiugavit et Saxones edomuit, et in flumine Solave meta ferrea fines Polonie terminavit.

This – Soława – is the Sorb name to this day which is pronounced Souava.

For Ibrahim ibn Yaqub’s description in the best edition (based on the earliest manuscripts):

  • Tadeusz KowalskiRelacja Ibrāhīma Ibn Jakūba z podróży do krajów słowiańskich w przekazie al-Bekrīego (Pomniki dziejowe Polski Ser. 2, T. 1. Wydawnictwa Komisji Historycznej. Polska Akademia Umiejętności T. 84 (1946) (this includes pictures Kowalski himself took of the codex Laleli 2144 in the Süleymaniye Library (discovered by Ritter) and of codex 3034 in the Nuru Osmaniye Mosque Library (discovered by Schaeffer))

(Incidentally, Kowalski’s daughter, an ethnographer in her own right, was married to Tadeusz Lewicki, the famous orientalist).

For earlier efforts you can locate L. Koczy, G. Jacob (1889), F. Westberg (1898).  For the earliest:

  • Friedrich Wigger in Bericht des Ibrahîm ibn Jakûb über die Slawen aus dem Jahre 973 in Jahrbücher des Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde, Band 45 (1880) (see here)
  • M.J. De Goeye in Een belangrijk arabisch bericht over de slavische volkeren omstreeks (1880) (see here)
  • Arist A. Kunik & Baron Victor von Rosen in Izvěstija al-Bekri i drugih avtorov o Rusi i Slavjanah in Zapiski Imperatorskoj Akademii Nauk, 32, Pril. 2. (1878) (based on the discovery in the 1870s of the Al-Bakri manuscript at the Nuru Osmaniye Mosque in Istanbul) (see here)

For more information about the earliest travels of Jews in Eastern Europe see Teksty źródłowe do nauki historii Żydów w Polsce i we wschodniej Europie (Ringelblum & Mahler, 1930).

So here are some interesting points

  • if -ava is really a Germanic suffix denoting the fictional Germanic designation of “water” (fictional because never attested), then why is -ava a Slavic suffix in this case but the Germanic version is, repeatedly, Saale?
  • how does Greule know that the Salas potamos refers to the Thuringian Saale? The quote from Strabo refers to this “And there is also the river Sala, between which and the Rhine Drusus Germanicus died, whilst in the midst of his victories.” Why is this not the Frankish one for example (which, but for Strabo, would, as per Greule be attested in 777 or maybe even in 716). Cassius Dio relates that Drusus died before reaching the Rhine.  If Drusus were returning towards Mainz.  is soldiers later that year raised the Drususstein in Mainz.  If that is where his soldiers ended up then it is also quite possible that that is where they and Drusus were heading – southwest.  Probably then they were going for the River Main first and to get to that they may have passed the Frankische Saale and then Drusus died (of some disease acceding to Cassius Dio). This is not the only solution of course but it is just as reasonable as the one that has him die past the Thuringian Saale.
  • how did the editors of Deutsches Gewässernamenbuch miss this miss?

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September 28, 2017

The Ordinance of Louis the Pious Regarding the Division of the Empire

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Another interesting Frankish capitulary document dates back to 817 and is the Ordinance of Louis the Pious regarding the Division of the Empire.  It begins with the words (check out the letters on top too):

“Divisio imperii domni Hludowici inter dilectos filios suos inter Hlotharium et videlicet et Pippinum et Hludowicum anno quarto imperii sui.”

It contains a reference to the Slavs:

“2. Likewise we will that Louis shall have Bavaria and Carinthia, and the Bohemians, Avars, and Slavs, who are on the eastern side of Bavaria; and furthermore, two demesne towns to do service to him, in the county of Nortgau, Lauterburg and Ingolstadt.”

“2. Item Hludowicus volumes ut habeat Baioariam et Carentanos et Bheimos et Avaros atque Sclavos qui ab orientali parte Baioariae sunt, et insuper duas villas dominicales ad suum servitium in pago Nortgaoe Luttfraof et Ingoldesstat.”

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September 26, 2017

The Raffelstetten Customs Regulations

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The Raffelstetten Tolls is an interesting document dated to 903-906 describing a marketplace in today’s Austria.  Thought it’d be interesting to put it up here.  The English translation (forgive the laziness) belongs to Jonathan Jarrett whose blog may be found here.

The regulations are in the Book 3 of the Codex traditionis ecclesiae pataviensis olim laureacensis aka Codex Lonsdorfianus (because of the Passau bishop, Otto von Lonsdorf) which sits in the Bavarian Main State Archives (BayHStA München HL Passau 3).

Raffelstetten itself is part of Asten (Astina) in Austria.  Astina may well be a Slavic name (compare Čeština)

Inquisition on the Tolls of Raffelstetten

Let the industry of all of the orthodox faithful, present indeed and future, know that the request and demand of all the Bavarians, namely the bishops, abbots and all of the counts, who were making journeys into eastern parts, had reached King Louis [the Child], saying that they were constrained and coerced by unjust toll and unfair exchanges in those parts. Hearing this with benign ears he, indeed, according to the custom of the kings his ancestors, ordered Margrave Arbo, along with the judges of the easterners, by whom let this be recorded, that he should look into the toll laws and the custom of toll; and he gave power to his messengers Archbishop Theotmar [of Salzburg], Burchard Bishop of the Church of Passau and Count Otachar, to correct this justly and legitimately in his place. And these are the people who swore about the toll in the county of Arbo: the vicar Walto, the vicar Durinc, Gundalperht, Amo, Gerpreht, Pazrich, Diotrich, Aschrich, Arbo, Tunzili, Salacho, Helmwin, Sigimar, Gerolt, Ysac, Salaman, Humperht, another Humperht, Englischah, Azo, Ortimuot, Ruotoh, Emilo, another Durinc, Reinolt, the vicar Eigil, Poto, Eigilo, Ellinger, Otlant, Gundpold, another Gerolt, Otperht, Adalhelm, Tento, Buoto, Wolfker, Rantolf, Kozperht, Graman, Heimo. These and other men, who were nobles in these three counties, having been interrogated (after swearing the oath) by Margrave Arbo in the presence of Archbishop Theotmar and Burchard Bishop of the church of Passau, with Count Otachar sitting with them, in the court in the place which is called Raffelstetten, reported on the toll places and the custom of the toll that used most justly to be paid in the times of Louis and Carloman and the other kings.

(1) Ships, indeed, which from the western regions, should afterwards have come out at the wood of Passau, and should wish to beach at Rosdorf or anywhere else and make trade, should give a half-drachm in toll, that is 1 scoto; if they should wish to go downriver to Linz, let there be paid three half-modiiper ship, that is three scafils of salt. For slaves and other things let them pay nothing there, but afterwards have license for beaching and trading as far as the Bohemian forest, wherever they shall wish.

(2) If anyone from Bavaria should wish to move his salt to his own house, and the ship’s steersman affirms this with an oath, let them pay nothing, but go without trouble.

(3) If moreover any free man should have carried out a legitimate trade, paying or saying nothing there, and then this shall have been proved, let him be tolled for it both by ship and by goods. If moreover any slave perpetrates this, let him be bound there, until his lord comes and pays off his fine, and afterwards let him be permitted to leave.

(4) If moreover Bavarians or Slavs of that same country should have entered the same region to obtain victuals with slaves or horses or cattle or other furnishings of theirs, let them buy what things are necessary without toll wherever they should wish in the same region. If moreover they should have wished to cross to the same marketplace, let them go halfway across the shore without any constraint; and in other places of the same region let them buy what things they are able to without toll. If it please them better to trade in the same marketplace, let them give the prescribed toll and let them buy whatever they should wish and however much better they can.

(5) On the salt paths, moreover, which cross the river Enns by the legitimate street, let them pay a full scafil at Url and let them be forced to pay nothing further. But let the ships there that are from the Traungau pay nothing, but cross without tax. This is to be observed with respect to the Bavarians.

(6) The Slavs, indeed, who came out from the Rugians or from the Bohemians for purposes of trade, let them have marketplaces wherever [they want] on the bank of the Danube or wherever among the Rotalarii [Red Valley’ers] or among the Reodarii [Redarii?], two lumps from one mule’s load of wax, of which both shall be worth 1 scoto; from one man’s load a lump of the same price; if indeed one should wish to sell slaves or horses, 1 tremissis from one female slave, similarly from 1 male horse, 1 saiga from a slave, similarly from a mare.

(7) Also of salt-ships, after they shall have crossed the Bohemian forest, let them have license to buy or sell or beach in no place before they arrive at Ebersburg. There from each legitimate ship, that is one which three man sail, let them pay 3 scafils of salt, and let nothing further be exacted from them, but let them reach Mutarim or wherever shall then have been constituted the salt-market at that time; and let them pay similarly, that is 3 scafils of salt, and no more; and afterwards they shall have free and secure license to sell and buy without any comital fine or the restraint of any person; but however much better a price the buyer and seller should wish to give for their property between themselves, let them have free license in all things.

(8) If moreover they should wish to cross to the marketplace of Marahorum, let them pay 1 solidus per ship, according to the estimation of the market at that time, and cross freely; on returning, moreover, let them be forced to pay nothing legitimate.

(9) Let merchants, that is, Jews and other traders, wherever they should come from in this same country or other countries, pay the just toll as much for slaves as for other goods, just as they always did in the times of previous kings.


Inquisitio de theloneis Raffelstettensis

Noverit omnium fidelium orthodoxorum, presentium scilicet ac futurorum, industria , qualiter questus clamorque cunctorum Bawariorum, episcoporum videlicet, abbatum ac comitum omniumque , qui in orientales partes iter habebant, ante Hlodowicum regem venerant dicentes se iniusto theloneo et iniqua muta constrictos in illis partibus et coartatos. Ille vero secundum morem antecessorum regum hoc benignis auribus audiens Arboni marchioni precepit , quatenus cum iudicibus orientalium, quibus hoc notum fieret, investigaret ad iura thelonica modumque thelonii exploraret; nuntios suos Theotmarum archiepiscopum, Purchardum Pataviensis ecclesic presulem et Otacharium comitem dedit, ut hoc in suo loco iuste legitimeque corrigerent. Et isti sunt, qui iuraverunt pro theloneo in comitatu Arbonis: Walto vicarius , Durinc vicarius, Gundalperht , Amo, Gerpreht, Pazrich, Diotrich, Aschrich, Arbo, Tunzili, Salacho , Helmwin, Sigimar, Gerolt, Ysac, Salaman, Humperht, item Humperht, Engilschalh, Azo, Ortimuot, Ruothoh, Emilo, item Durinc, Reinolt, Eigil vicarius, Poto, Eigilo, Ellinger, Otlant, Gundpold, item Gerolt, Otperht, Adalhelm, Tento, Buoto, Wolfker, Rantolf, Kozperht, Graman, Heimo. Isti et ceteri omnes, qui in hiis tribus comitatibus nobiles fuerunt, post peractum iuramentum interrogati ab Arbone marchione in presentia Theotmari archiepiscopi et Purchardi presulis Pataviensis ecclesie, residente cum eis Otachario comite, in ipso placito in loco, qui dicitur Raffoltestetun, retulerunt loca thelonio et modum theolonei, qualiter temporibus Hludwici et Karlomanni ceterorumque regum iustissime exolvebatur.

(1) Naves vero, que ab occidentalibus partibus, postquam egresse sint silvam Patavicam, et ad Rosdorf vel ubicumque sedere voluerint et mercatum habere, donent pro theloneo semidragmam, id est scoti I; si inferius ire voluerint ad Lintzam, de una navi reddant III semimodios, id est III scafilos de sale. De mancipiis vero et ceteris aliis rebus ibi nichil solvant, sed postea licentiam sedendi et mercandi habeant usque ad silvam Boemicam, ubicunque voluerint.

(2) Si aliquis de Bawaris sal suum ad propriam domum suam transmittere voluerit, gubernatore navis hoc adprobante cum iuramento, nichil solvant, sed securiter transeant.

(3) Si autem liber homo aliquis ipsum legittimum mercatum transierit nichil ibi solvens vel loquens et inde probatus fuerit, tollatur ab eo et navis et substantia. Si autem servus alicuius hoc perpetraverit, constringatur ibidem, donec dominus eius veniens dampnum persolvat, et postea ei exire liceat.

(4) Si autem Bawari vel Sclavi istius patrie ipsam regionem intraverint ad emenda victualia cum mancipiis vel cavallis vel bobus vel ceteris suppellectilibus suis, ubicunque voluerint in ipsa regione, sine theloneo emant, que necessaria sunt. Si autem locum mercati ipsius transire voluerint, per mediam plateam transeant sine ulla constrictione; et in aliis locis ipsius regionis emant sine theloneo, que potuerint. Si eis in ipso mercato magis conplaceat mercari, donent prescriptum theloneum et emant, quecunque voluerint et quanto melius potuerint.

(5) Carre autem salinarie , que per stratam legittimam Anesim fluvium transeunt, ad Urulam tantum unum scafil plenum exsolvant et nichil amplius exsolvere cogantur. Sed ibi naves , que de Trungowe sunt, nichil reddant, sed sine censu transeant. Hoc de Bawaris observandum est.

(6) Sclavi vero, qui de Rugis vel de Boemanis mercandi causa exeunt, ubicunque iuxta ripam Danubii vel ubicunque in Rotalariis vel in Reodariis loca mercandi optinuerint, de sogma una de cera duas massiolas, quarum utraque d scoti unum valeat; de onere unius hominis massiola una eiusdem precii; si vero mancipia vel cavallos vendere voluerit, de una ancilla tremisam I, de cavallo mascu lino similiter, de servo saigam I, similis de equa. Bawari vero vel Sclavi istius patrie ibi ementes vel vendentes nichil solvere cogantur.

(7) Item de navibus salinariis, postquam silvam [Boemicam] transierint, in nullo loco licentiam habeant emendi vel vendendi vel sedendi, antequam ad Eperaespurch perveniant. Ibi de unaqueque navi legittima. id est quam tres homines navigant, exsolvant de sale scafil III, nichilque amplius ex eis exigatur, sed pergant ad Mutarun vel ubicunque tunc temporis salinarium mercatum fuerit constitutum; et ibi similiter persolvant, id est III scafil de sale, nichilque plus; et postea liberam ac securam licentiam vendendi et emendi habeant sine ullo banno comitis vel constrictione alicuius persone; sed quantocunque meliori precio venditor et emptor inter se dare voluerint res suas, liberam in omnibus habeant licentiam.

(8) Si autem transire voluerint ad mercatum Marahorum, iuxta estimationem mercationis tunc temporis exsolvat solidum I de navi et licenter transeat; revertendo autem nichil cogantur exsolvere legittimum.

(9) Mercatores, id est a Iudei et ceteri mercatores, undecunque venerint de ista patria vel de aliis patriis, iustum theloneum solvant tam de mancipiis, quam de aliis rebus, sicut semper in prioribus temporibus regum fuit.

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September 25, 2017

Thietmar (Book VIII)

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Chapter 1 [1018]

In the year 1018 of the Incarnation, in the second indiction, in the sixteenth year of Lord Henry’s reign, and his fourth as emperor, the same Henry celebrated the Circumcision and Epiphany of the Lord in Frankfurt, with great solemnity (1, 6 January).  On January 25, Ezzelin the Lombard was granted his liberty.  He had been held in custody for four years.  Afterwards in January 30, Bishops Gero and Arnulf, the counts Herman and Dietrich, and the emperor’s chancellor Frederick agreed to a sworn peace at the burg Bautzen.  The agreement was are at the emperor’s order and in response Boleslav’s constant supplications.  This was not as it should have been,  however.  Rather, it was the best that could be accomplished under the circumstances.  In the company of a select group of hostages, the aforesaid lords returned.  After four days, Oda, ililargrave Ekkehard’s daughter, whom Boleslav had long desired, was escorted to Zuetzen by Otto, the duke’s son.  When they arrived they were greeted by a large crowd of men and women, and by many burning lamps, since it was night-time.  Contrary to the authority of the canons, Oda married the duke over Septuagesima.  Until now, she has lived outside the law of matrimony and thus in a manner worthy of a marriage such as this one.

Chapter 2

In her husband’s kingdom, the customs are many and varied. They are also harsh, but occasionally quite praiseworthy.  The populace must be fed like cattle and punished as one would a stubborn ass.  Without severe punishment, the prince cannot put them to any useful purpose.  If anyone in this land should presume to abuse a foreign matron and thereby commit fornication, the act is immediately avenged through the following punishment.  The guilty party is led on to the market bridge, and his scrotum is affixed to it with a nail.  Then after a share knife has been  placed next to him, he is given the harsh choice between death or castration.  Furthermore, anyone found to have eaten meat after Septuegesima is severely punished, by having his teeth knocked out.  The law of God, newly introduced in these regions, gains more strength from such acts of force that from any fast imposed by the bishops.  There are also other customs, by far inferior to these, which please neither God nor the inhabitants, and are useful only as a means to inspire terror.  To some extent, I have alluded to these above.  I think that it is unnecessary fro me to say any more about this man whose name and manner of life, if it please Almighty God, might better have remained concealed from us.  That his father and he were joined to us, through marriage and great familiarity, has produced results so damaging that any good preceding them is far outweighed, and so it will remain in the future.  During false periods of peace Boleslav may temporarily regard us with affection.  Nevertheless, through all kinds of secret plots, he constatnly attempts to sow dissension, diminish our inborn freedom, and, if time and place permit rise up and destroy us.

Chapter 3

In the days of his father, when he still embraced heathenism, every woman followed her husband on to the funeral pure, after first being decapitated.* If a woman was found to be a prostitute moreover, she suffered a particularly wretched and shameful penalty.  The skin of around her genitals was cut off and this ‘foreskin,’ if we may call it that, was hung on the door so that anyone who entered would see it and be more concerned and prudent in the future.  The law of the Lord declares that such a woman should be stoned, and the rules of our ancestors would require her beheading.**  Nowadays, the freedom to sin dominates everywhere to a degree that is not right or normal.  And so it is not just a large number of frustrated girls who engage in adultery, having been driven by the desire of the flesh to harmful lust, but even some married women and, indeed, with their husbands still living.  As if this were not enough, such women then have their husbands murdered by the adulterer, inspiring the deed through furtive hints.  After this, having given a wicked example to others, they receive their lovers, unite openly and sin at will.  They repudiate their legal lord in a most horrible fashion and prefer his retainer, as if the latter were sweet Abro or mild Jason.  Nowadays, because a harsh penalty is not imposed, I fear that many will find this new custom more and more acceptable.  O you priests of the Lord, forcefully rise up and let nothing stop you!  Take a sharp ploughshare and extirpate this newly sprouted weed, down to the roots! You also, lay people, do not give aid to such as these! May those joined in Christ live innocently and, after these supplanters have been rooted out forever groan in shame.  Unless these sinners return to their senses, may our helper, Christ, destroy them with a powerful breath from his holy mouth and scatter them with the great splendor of his second coming.

* note: according to Boniface, the Wends “observed the mutual love of matrimony with such great zeal that a woman would refuse to live after her husband had died.  Among them, moreover a woman was judged praiseworthy if she chose to die by her own hand and burned together with her husband on a single pure. (Bon. Epistolae 73).

** note: John 8:5.

Chapter 4

Now, I have said enough regarding that matter, since I must still related certain things regarding Duke Boleslav’s misfortune.  The latter’s territory include a certain burg, located near the border with the Hungarians.  ITs guardian was lord Prokui, an uncle of the Hungarian king.  Both in the past and more recently, Prokui had been driven from his lands by the king and his wife had been taken captive.  When he was unable to free her, his nephew arranged for her unconditional release, even though he was Prokui’s enemy.  I have never heard of anyone who showed such restraint towards a defeated for.  Because of this, God repeatedly granted him victory, not only in the burg mentioned above, but in others as well.  HIs father, Deuvix, was very cruel and killed many people because of his quick temper.  When he became a Christian, however, he turned his rage against his reluctant subjects, in order to strengthen this faith. Thus, glowing with zeal for God, he washed away his old crimes. He sacrificed both to the omnipotent God and to various false gods.  When reproached by his priest for doing so, however, he maintained that the practice had brought him both wealth and great power.  His wife, Beleknegini – the name means beautiful lady in Slavonic – drank immoderately and rode a horse like a warrior.  Once, in a fit of anger, she killed a man.  These polluted hands would have been better employed at the spindle, and her frenzied spirit should have been restrained by patience.

Chapter 5 [1018]

The Liutizi were always united in evil.  Now, they attacked lord Mistislav who had not supported them with troops during the emperor’s expedition, the latter having taken place in the previous year.  They devastated much of Mistislav’s territory, forcing his wife and daughter-in-law to flee, and compelling him to seek protection within the burg Schwerin.  He was joined there by his best milites.  Then, the evil cunning of the populace, rebellious against both Christ and their own lord, forced him to abandon his paternal inheritance.  He barely managed to get away.  This detestable presumption occurred in the month of February which the heathen venerate with rites of purification and obligatory offerings.  The month takes its name from the god of hell, Pluto, who is also called Februus.  Then, all of the churches, dedicated to the honour and service of Christ, were wasted by fire and other forms of destruction.  Even worse, the image of the crucified Christ was mutilated and the worship of idols was preferred to that of God.  The minds of this folk called the Abodrites and Wagrii, hardened like the heart of Pharaoh.  They seized for themselves the kind of liberty possessed by the Liutizi and, following the model of that famous deception, removed their neck from the sweet yoke of Christ even as they willingly submitted to the burdensome weight of the Devil’s rule.  They did this even though they had previously had a much better father and nobler lord.  The members of Christ should lament this weakness of theirs and complain about it to their head, constantly asking, with the voice of their hearts, that this might be changed for the better.  They themselves should not allow this situation to continue, to the extent that this is possible.

Chapter 6 [1018]

As soon as he learned of these events, Bernhard, one of my brethren at Magdeburg and formerly bishop of those apostates, did not hesitate to bring the issue to the emperor’s attention.  It was not from concern over his secular losses that he did this, but rather from  a deep spiritual sadness.  After receiving the news, the emperor gave a heavy sigh.  Neverthless, he decided to delay his response until Easter, so that, with more prudent advice, what had been engendered through an unfortunate conspiracy might be utterly destroyed…

Chapter 20

Now I shall truthfully explain what provoked them to do this.  In the times of Bishop Giselher and Margrave Gunther, the generous beneficence of Otto II, smiling broadly upon everyone, granted to our church a certain forest.  It was situated between the rivers Saale and Mulde, and between the districts of Siusuli and Plisne.  After the sad destruction of our diocese, during the reign of Otto II, Margrave Ekkehard [I] acquired another forest, in a  place called Soemmering, and traded it for the one belonging to us.  Afterwards, along with most of our property, this forest was returned to us by King Henry, the restorer of our office.  This restitution was confirmed through a legal judgement in the presence of all the king’s leading men, and with the brothers Herman and Ekkehard II unable to support their claim.  This forest had been in our church’s possession for more than twelve years.  And Margrave Herman had in no way succeeded in reacquiring it by offering me sixty manses of land.  Nevertheless, he thought that he and his brother might still claim it by means of imperial diplomats relating to the possession of two burgwards, Rochlitz and Teitzig.  He hoped that the old document which confirmed our rights had been lost.  When he showed me his documents, he realized that they would do him no good.  For at Magdeburg, when our respective diplomata were presented before the emperor, it was clear that our church’s claims took precedence, in every way.  At last, in his brother’s presence and hearing, the aforesaid margrave declared: ‘Until now, whatever we have done regarding this matter has been undertaken because we hoped to have justice, and not out of recklessness.  Now let us give it all up.’

Chapter 21 [1018]

Ekkehard was a young man and therefore immature.  Shortly afterwards, at the instigation of his miles Budislav, he began to erect tall enclosures in his burg ward, Rochlitz, for the purpose of capturing wild game.  When subsequently informed of his actions, I accepted the news peacefully.  Nevertheless, through my intermediary – namely his brother – I asked that he desist.  Also, I immediately complained to his brother.  In each case, I was completely unsuccessful, and so things stood until Easter had passed.  Them, because both the weather and the condition of the roads were favorable, and because I had never visited that part of my diocese, I decided to go there and carefully investigate the situation, as yet unfamiliar to me.  On May 2, a Friday, I went to Kohren and confirmed the people who gathered there.  Continuing my trip, I encountered the area, mentioned above, which had been fitted out with ropes and great nets.  I was astonished and wondered what I shod do.  Finally, because I could not take the apparatus with me, I mediately ordered that part of it to be cut down.  Afterwards, I and directly to Rochlitz. There I confirmed a few people and, under threat of the ban, forbade the withholding of my rightful tithes and use of the forest.  I declared all of  this to be property of our church, and made peace.

Chapter 22 [1018]

Then I returned to my estate at Kohren where, after seven days, I heard that Ekkehard’s millets were threatening my people.  At that time, the chancellor happened to be spending the night with me.  When I explained the situation to him, he responded favorably.  On numerous occasions, those same warriors gathered together and tried to attack me, but our guards stopped them, in timely fashion.  Meanwhile, I sent my representative to the emperor, at Mainz, and humbly sought his mediation.  Now, on his own behalf, Ekkehard agreed to a truce, and his brother, whom I had long awaited, returned from Poland and offered his own hand in peace.  Neither kept his word very well, however.  Six flogged and shave men, and as many devastated houses, prove how others must defend themselves against such lords.  In their accustomed manner, their dependents not only raged against me, but also harmed other, better men.  They attacked Archbishop Gero in Werben and Count Siegfried at Nischwitz and took whatever they wished.

Chapter 31 [1018]

We may not keep silent regarding the sad and harmful events that occurred in Russia.  For, on or advice, Boleslav attacked it with a large army and caused much destruction.  On July 22, the duke came to a certain river, where he ordered his army to set up camp and prepare the necessary bridges.  Also camped near the river, along with his army, was the king of the Russians.  He was anxiously awaiting the outcome of the upcoming battle, for which both rulers had called.  Meanwhile, the Poles provoked the enemy into fighting and, with unexpected success, drove them from the river bank which they were supposed to defend.  Elated by this news, Boleslav hastily notified his companions and quickly crossed the river although without effort.  In contrast, the hostile army, drawn up in battle formation, vainly attempted to defend its homeland.  It collapsed at the first attack, however, and failed to mount any effective resistance.  Among those who fled, many were killed, but only a few of the victors were lost.  On our side, the dead included Erich, an illustrious miles whom our emperor had long held in chains.  From that day on, with every success, Boleslav drove his scattered enemies before him, and the whole populace received and honoured him with many gifts.

Chapter 32 [1018]

Meanwhile, Jaroslav captured a city which had been subject to his brother [Sventopolk], and abducted the inhabitants.  At Boleslav’s instigation, the very strong city of Kiev was disturbed by the constant attacks of hostile Petchenegs and severely weakened by fire. It was defended by its inhabitants, but quickly surrendered to the foreign warriors, after its king fled and abandoned it.  On August 14, the city received Boleslav and Sventipolk, its long-absent lord.  Thereafter, through his favour, and from fear of us, the whole region was brought into submission.  When they arrived, the archbishop of that city received them, at the church of Saint Sophia, with relics of the saints and other kinds of ceremonial apparatus.  In the previous year, this church had been severely, but unintentionally damaged by fire.  Here were found the king’s stepmother, wife, and nine sisters, one of whom had previously been desired by Boleslav, that old fornicator.  Unmindful of her husband, the duke unlawfully took her away.  There, too , he was shown an unspeakable amount of treasure, most of high ch he distributed among his friends and supporters.  He sent some of it back to his homeland, however. Among those rendering assistance to the aforesaid duke were three hundred of our warriors, five hundred Hungarians, and one thousand Petchenegs.  Al of these were no sent home, since, as Sventipolk was happy to see, the populace flocked to him and appeared loyal.  In this great city, the centre of that kingdom, there are more than four hundred churches, eight markets, and an unknown number of inhabitants.  As in this entire land, the city gains its strength from fugitive serfs who converge on this place from everywhere, but especially from areas overrun by the fast-moving Danes.  Until now, it successfully resisted the attacks of the Petchenegs and was also victorious over other enemies.

Chapter 33 [1018]

Elated by this success, Boleslav sent the bishop of this city to Jaroslav, to ask that his daughter be sent back to him.  In return, he promised to send back Jaroslav’s wife, stepmother, and sisters.  Afterwards, he sent his beloved Abbot Tuni to our emperor, with splendid gifts that he might more firmly secure his favor and aid.  He also indicated that he would follow the emperor’s wishes in all matters. He also sent messengers to nearby Greece, who promised good things to the emperor there, if he would consider him as his faithful friend.  Otherwise, they intimated, he would be a most obdurate and invincible enemy.  Among all of these, omnipotent God stands firm., mercifully revealing what pleases him and profits us.  In those days my cousin Udo, took Herman prisoner.  This was a man equal to him in nobility and power; and he led him to his burg against his will.  I fear that another dangerous weed will sprout from this, and be exceedingly difficult or impossible to eradicate.

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September 12, 2017