Category Archives: Sorbs

Poenitentiale Merseburgense

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Karl Heinrich Meyer notes in the appendix to his compendium on Suavic religion (Fontes historiae religionis Slavicae) certain passages from the Merseburg Penitential (Poenitentiale Merseburgense) which may or may not refer to Suavic customs. Nevertheless, given that some of these may in fact have a Suavic origin we include them here. The ones included are only the ones mentioned by Meyer and represent his choice of those that appeared to him to be most likely connected with Suavs.

For the complete penitential (which contains a total of 169 different punishable offenses (some quite, including those shown here, gross) see F.W.H. Wasserschleben’s Beitraege zur Geschichte der vorgratianischen Kirchenrechtsquellen (Leipzig, 1839, page 88) and also Die Bussordnungen der abendlaendischen Kirche (Halle, 1851, page 387) by the same author (which also includes other versions of similar penitentials).

The manuscript itself is Merseburger Dombibliothek nr. 103 (from the 9th century).

Cap. 22: Si quis sacrilegium fecerit, id est quod aruspici vocant, qui auguria colunt, sive per aves aut quocunque malo ingenio augeraverit, III ann. cum pane e.a. poen.

Cap. 23: Si quis per ariolos, quos divinos vocant, aliquas divinationes fecerit, quia hoc daemonum [or daemonicum] est, V ann. poenit., III ex his in pane et aqua.

Cap. 26: Si quis sortes sanctorum, quas contra rationem vocant [or Si quis sortes, quas sanctorum contra rationem vocant], vel alias sortes habuerit, vel qualecunque alium malum ingenium sortitus fuerit vel veneraberit, III ann. poen.

Cap. 27: Si quis ad arbores vel ad fontes, vel ad cancellos, vel ubicunque, exceptum in ecclesia, votum voverit aut solverit, III annn. cum pane et aqua poeniteat, quia et hoc sacrilegium vel daemonium est; et qui ibidem ederit aut biberit, annum integrum cum pane et aqua poeniteat.

Cap. 32: Si quis, quod in Kalend. Januar. multi faciunt, quod adhuc de paganis residit, in cervolum [o cervolo], quod dicitur, aut in vecola [or vetula] vadit, III ann. poen., quia hoc daemonum [or daemonicum] est.

Cap. 34: Si quis mathematicus fuerit, i.e., per invocationem daemonum mentes hominum tulerit aut debacante [or debacchantes] fecerit, V ann. poen., III ex his i.p.e.a.

Cap. 36: Si quis ligaturam fecerit in herbas vel quolibet ingenio malo incantaverit et super Christianum ligaverit, scias eum fidem Dei amisisse, III ann. poen., I ex his i.p.e.a.

Cap. 48: Si qui simul edunt festivitates in locis abuminandis more gentium, III ann. poen. i.p.e.a.

Cap. 50: Si quis secundo et tertio idolis immolaverit per vim, III annn. poen., II sine oblatione communicet.

Cap. 74: Si quis sanguinem animalium manducaberit nesciens, aut morticinum aut idolis immolatum, IV menses poen., i.p.e.a., si autem scit, II ann. sine vino et carne.

Cap. 103: Si qua mulier semen viri sui in cibum miscens, aut inlicitas causas fecerit, ut inde plus ejus amore suscipiat, III ann. poen.

Cap. 108: Si quis [or aliquis] infans per ignorantiam gustaberit idolis immolatum aut morticinum, aut aliquid abhuminabile, III ebdom. poen.

Cap. 167: Si quis emissor tempestatum fuerit, VII ann. poen., III ex his i.p.e.a.

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December 26, 2022

Spanish Suavs

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Here are some excerpts from Arabic manuscripts as given by José Antonio Condé in his History of the Dominion of the Arabs in Spain in the English translation. I have no idea where/which manuscripts Condé got this from but it’s interesting enough to post though he seems to indicate the Madrid library as the place of origin (presumably today in Biblioteca Nacional de España). Here you can learn about the “Sclavonian Wadha El Alameri”, the “Sclavonian Hairan El Alameri”or the Sclavonian Vizier Naja. Note that the Arab ṣaqlabī could also refer to non-Suav  Europeans as well as, by virtue of the castration performed on Suavs and other slaves, to eunuchs of whatever ethnicity. Nevertheless, as  the names below suggest, some if not all of these people were Suavic. 

For example, Condé notes the following in his note entry under the year 1029 A.D: “In the Arabian documents of this period it is not unusual to find Gothic and Christian names, as Gondemir Ben Davad, Ahmed Ben Guzman, Mohamad Ben Fortune, Abdallah Ben Golier, Ben Borangel, Ben Mendis, Ben Mumios, Ben Maurice, Ben Radmir, Ben Garcia, Ben Sancho, Ben Fortis, Ben Gulindo, etc.”

Note too that some of these are likely Frankish and some even Jewish (rather than “Christian”).

The timeframe here for most of this is the period of the civil war called the Fitna of al-Andalus that ultimately led to the collapse of the Cordovan o r Cordoban Caliphate. (Note the name Córdoba or Corduba (also Salduba) seems curiously similar to other names with the -uba, -oba or -ova endings – including in Suavic lands, such as Kashuby).

The English translation is by Mrs. Jonathan Foster. I retain her use of the 19th century “Sclavonian” for Suav.


Part II

CHAPTER XXXVI
OF THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE TAKEN TO PRINCE ABDERAHMAN, AND THE BATTLE OF THE SUBURB OF CORDOVA

817 A.D.

The government of the state and its reputation now reposed on the shoulders of Abderahman ; wherefore the king his father, having assembled the principal Walies, Viziers, Alcaides, Secretaries, and Councillors, declared him Wali Alahdi, or future successor to the throne. The first who took the oath of allegiance were the Princes Esfah and Casim, cousins to the king; after whom came the Hagib and the Cadi of Cadies, they being followed by the other Walies and Councillors. The day was a very solemn and impressive one, and the ceremonies were conducted with great pomp. There was now no war, save only that against the Christians, and this solely for the maintenance of the frontier, not from the desire of conquest or a wish to extend the limits of the kingdom, still less with the hope of drawing any great riches from those countries, seeing that the Christians were for the most part a people of the mountains — poor, unacquainted with commerce, and knowing nothing of the nobler arts. In the year 202 the ships of Spain made an expedition to the islands of Iebisa, Majorca, and Sardinia.

Thus, finding that he had peace both within the kingdom and without, the king Alhakem but rarely left his Alcazar, diverting himself in his gardens with his slaves, male and female, among the latter of whim were many who sang well, and were very dexterous in playing on various instruments. Nay, Alhaken seemed now to remember that he was king, only at such times as he desired to satisfy a certain thirst for blood, which he appears to have had from his birth: but these occasions recurred but too frequently, since few days passed wherein he did not pronounce sentence of death, which he at length inflicted for every species of crime. The king had a life-guard of 5000 men, 3000 of whom were Andalusian Muzarabes, and the other 2000 Sclavonians; he had beside a large number of Eunuchs in his palace. To his life-guard he assigned a fixed sum as their pay and to procure that sum he laid a new tax on the import of certain articles of merchandise; for bringing them, that is, into the gates of Cordova. There were at first certain rebellious persons who refused to pay this new and extraordinary demand, and they maltreated the collectors: but this caused great dissatisfaction and disquietude about the gates of the city; not that the people complained loudly, – there did but rise a vague murmur respecting the new imposts, and of displeasure at the want of confidence in his subjects, which Alhakem made manifest by that large guard with which he now filled his palace, a thing that had not been done either by his father or grandfather, and which yet they observed proved insufficient to keep him free from the daily fear of new treasons and conspiracies.

The king was not unacquainted with these discourses,and he knew also that with the populace of a city there is no medium to be maintained; if the people be not rendered anxious for their own safety, they seek to impose fear on others, and when they do not dread their master may well be dreaded by him. At a word, when the people are once well inspired with fear, you may handle them at your pleasure, and may govern and castigate them without peril, but they must on no account be offered any occasion of enfranchisement by an inopportune gentleness. Such were the convictions of Alhakem; when, therefore, he was informed of the resistance to his orders which had been attempted by the ten merchants before mentioned, he, being of his nature disposed to rigorous measures, com manded that they should be impaled or nailed to high poles.

It thus happened that on an unhappy Wednesday in the Moon of Ramazan of the year 202, and on the 13th of that moon, a great concourse of people from the southern suburb of Cordova had assembled in the public square to be present at the execution of the ten delinquents , when a soldier of the guard happened to wound one of the country people. The bystanders then fell upon the soldier with loud outcries, and driving him from the place with stones, they compelled him to take shelter in the city guard -house, where he arrived wounded and bleeding, with the infuriated multitude at his heels. Once aroused, the rage of the assembled crowds then passed all bounds; the peasants attacked the guards who sought to restrain their violence, and cut several of them to pieces with their knives: the tumult at length extended to the gates of the Alcazar, before which the unbridled assemblage made halt with bold vocife rations and insolent threats.

Informed of what was taking place, the king himself went forth in armour, notwithstanding all that his son, the Hagib, and the Alfaqui Jusuf Ben Matruc, could do to prevent him. The Wali Aben Abdelwahid, and other generals who had hastened to the palace, likewise used all their efforts to restrain their sovereign from descending to the courts of the Alcazar; but none could prevail: Alhakem placed himself in front of his cavalry, and riding down the unarmed hordes before him, he drove them, terrified and dismayed, to their subarb. The greater part of the assembled people then made what háste they could to shut themselves up in their dwellings; but the populace yet remaining in the streets still attempted a vain resistance, and among them the carnage was great: 300 of them were taken alive, and these, being impaled or nailed to stakes, were ranged along the edge of the river. A frightful spectacle, which extended from the bridge to the last of the oil-mills.

On the Thursday next following this deplorable event, the king sent commands for the total destruction of the offending suburb, commencing with its southern extremity, and for three successive days he permitted the houses and their inhabitants to be given up to the plunder and outrages of the soldiery, who destroyed or possessed themselves of all without humanity, the only restriction laid on them being a command that they should do no injury to the women. After the lapse of these three days, Alhakenı ordered that the unhappy creatures who had been impaled should be taken from their stakes, and all the rest of the dead buried; he then consented to permit the few still remaining alive in the ruined suburb to escape with their lives, but on con dition that they should instantly leave Cordova. The unhappy creatures were thus compelled to abandon their be loved homes, and to wander away, despoiled and miserable vagabonds, many departing to the villages and Comarcas of Toledo, while some of them found refuge in that city.

No long time after this lamentable occurrence, more than 15,000 of the Andalusian Moslemah passed over into Barbary; 8,000 of the number remaining in theWest of Africa, while the remainder proceeded into Egypt…

…More than twenty thousand of the inhabitants of his capital were destroyed or driven thence by the unbridled rage and ill-considered severities of the King Alhakem; and this sensible diminution was made among the most vigorous and useful dwellers in Cordova. He thereby gave a new population of eight thousand families to the city of Fez; and the King Edris assigned them that portion of his new town which was ultimately called the Quarter of the Andalusians, because by them it had been first peopled. But Alhakem was not content even with the total destruction of the suburb that had offended him; after having razed and effaced it utterly , he laid a solemn command on his son, and all following successors, to the effect that it should never again be suffered to rise from its ruins, declaring that the place should be a field of desolation, and never know a dwelling, while the race of Alhakem should endure. For this occurrence, and the destruction he had here effected, the king was called Alhakem Alrabdi, or the Man of the Suburb; while for his hard and ferocious disposition he received the by-name of Abu El Aasi.


CHAPTER LXVI
OF THE RETIREMENT OF THE WALI ABU OTHMAN, AND OTHER EVENTS OCCURRING IN CORDOVA

907 A.D.

…When the Vizier Abu Othman Obeidala had finally re tired to Cordova, King Abdallah made him captain of his Sclavonian Guard, which was composed of troops from a foreign people, much in esteem for their bravery, fidelity, and moderation. These soldiers kept the interior of the palace; their arms were a two-handed sword, with a shield and mace of arms…”


CHRONOLOGICAL SERIES OF THE ARABIAN SOVEREIGNS OF SPAIN
OF ALMERIA AND DENIA

Cairan, a Sclavonian
Zohair, also a Sclavonian about 1066 A.D.

CONTEMPORARY KINGS OF VALENCIA

Mudafas, a Sclavonian about 1022 A.D.
Mubarik, a Sclavonian
Lebib, a Sclavonian about 1074 A.D.


CHAPTER CVI
OF SULEIMAN AL MOSTAIN BILLAH

1009 A.D.

After his victory of Gebal Quintos, Suleiman Ben Alhakem Ben Suleiman Ben Anasir pressed forward with his conquering host to Cordova, where the people of the city were desirous of opposing his entrance; but, in pursuance of advice given by the Alameri Wadha, they ultimately opened their gates to the victor. Then Suleiman, distrusting, and not without good cause, the inhabitants of Cordova, not only because of their ancient enmity to his Africans, but on account of the hatred which must have been awakened in their hearts by the recent slaughter of the citizens at Gebal Quintos, and still more because of his Christian auxiliaries, — Suleiman, I say, declined to enter the city at that moment: he concerted measures for maintaining the tranquillity of the capital with the Sclavonian Wadha El Alameri, declaring that he did not desire to oppress the inhabitants by the presence of guests so little likely to be welcome as those he had in his company; with other pretexts of much apparent courtesy. Thus encamping with his army in the surrounding Comarcas, he remained inactive until the 15th day of Rebie Postrera, in the year 400, at which period he made his entrance into the capital with his African cavalry, and was there proclaimed king, receiving the appellation of Almostain Billah…

…With the Sclavonians also did Suleiman Ben Albakem fall into discord, and the cause of that misunderstanding was as follows: they had maliciously advised him to assassinate his Christian auxiliaries, remarking that, after all, those Infidels were his natural enemies, and that the putting them to death would conciliate the affection of the Andalusians. But Suleiman rejected these counsels with bitter reproofs, declaring that he neither could nor would fail in his word to any man, nor think of recalling the promises of security once given, least of all towards those from whom he had received such effectual aid as that lent him by the Christian troops. But Suleiman was not without suspicion that the murderous treachery proposed to him might be committed even against his will, and strongly as his determination had been expressed: he therefore dismissed the Christian auxiliaries with many gifts, and with promises in still greater abundance.

In like manner did Suleiman oppose resistance to the eager representations and repeated prayers of Wadha El Alameri, who had discovered to him the secret of King Hixem ‘s existence, and entreated him to make known that fact to the people, replacing the imprisoned monarch on his throne; a step by which El Alameri assured him he would gain the hearts of every good Mosleman. But Suleiman is said to have replied, “ I wish it earnestly, Wadha; yet I see that this is not the time to entrust ourselves to hands so weak as those of Hixem: let this matter rest, then , for the present, but be sure that his hour will come.” The only alteration made in the position of the King, therefore, was, that his gaoler and the place of his abode were changed; the guardianship of his person being confided to those in whom Suleiman hoped he might place it with security.


CHAPTER CVII
OF THE BATTLE OF GUADIARO, AND THE DEATH OF MUHAMAD BEN HIXEM

1009 A.D.

After his victory at Acbat Albacar, Muhamad Ben Hixem made his entry into Cordova in triumph, amidst the acclama tions of the people, who called him their avenger and deliverer. One of his earliest acts was to appoint the Sclavonian Wadha El Alameri to be the Hagib of his house, an office which he bestowed on him as a mark of confidence , certainly not unmerited by the Alameri. This done, he remained but a few days in the capital, departing thence with all the force he could muster, and with the firm resolve to pursue the Africans and complete their downfall…

…Meanwhile, the best hopes of Muhamad Ben Hixem reposed in his Hagib, the Sclavonian Wadha El Alameri, who possessed all his confidence, and commanded with absolute power in every department of the state. The principal employments were all conferred by the Hagib Wadha on his Alamerian followers; but Muhamad did not dare to refuse his assent, although themore prudent of his counsellors and principal nobles were much displeased with that preponderance of the Sclavonian. The people, too, oppressed and fatigued by the continual labours imposed on them, as well as by the insolence of such as thought they had fortune in their favour, began to abandon the party of Muhamad Ben Hisem, whose star was commencing its decline. The Sclavonians completed these evils by the dangerous counsels which they gave their falling chief, whom they prevailed on to banish some of the most influential Xeques and Viziers from the city, under various pretexts: of some it was averred that they had held seditious discourse among themselves ; others were accused of pretended conspiracies; and others, again, of being disaffected to the interests of Muhamad Ben Hixem; all which concurred to produce a degree of hatred to the latter which was perpetually ex asperated by the oppressive insolence of his imprudent partisans…

…Now the general of the Christian auxiliaries, even the Frankish Count Armengudi, was at this time secretly in formed that Muhamad Ben Hixem had resolved to betray him, and was about to depart from the promise of security and safe conduct assured to him and his people, preparing the pretext of a revolt among the populace for the purpose of disarming his troops and subsequently depriving them of life. The Christian, therefore, not disregarding the secret intelligence thus received, took care to hasten his departure under the colour of excuses which he knew how to make, and, in despite of all Muhamad ‘s protestations, the Count drew his troops from the capital; but, on taking leave of Muhamad, he consented to be the bearer of letters exhorting the Wali of Toledo, Obeidala, to assemble whatever force he could command, and hasten to the assistance of his father, who was shut up in Cordova by the Africans. Muhamad wrote in similar terms to the Walies of Merida and Saragossa , as well as to the Alcaides of the frontiers…

…The African light companies soon approached within a short distance of Cordova; and immediately after this fact became known, it was remarked that many of the most influential among the citizens had disappeared from the city. These were presently found to have passed over to the camp of Suleiman Ben Alhakem. Muhamad now perceived that his fortune was deserting him: he saw that in proportion as his own party diminished did that of his enemy increase; even his guard had fallen into discord and was divided by factions. The Sclavonian Wadha El Alameri availed himself of that occasion to augment the fears of his lord, who, destitute of good counsel, no longer knew what to determine or to whom he could have recourse. He insinuated suspicions of secret conspiracy, giving Muhamad more serious cause than had before existed to distrust his guards. Finally, this Hagib, finding himself to be absolute master in Cordova, and perceiving the vacillation of Muhamad Ben Hixem, persuaded the latter to make known the existence of Hixem El Muyad Billah; and, without waiting an especial mandate from him to that effect, he drew the concealed king from his prison, and presented him to the people in the Macsura or Royal Tribune of the Great Aljama. This was done on the 7th day of the moon Dylhagia, in the year 400

All the city was in commotion as the rumour went abroad that their King, Hixem Ben Alhakem , was still in life; and when they saw standing before their eyes him whom they had followed to the tomb, all the past seemed to be but as a dream. An immense concourse of people collected before the mosque; and when the Sclavonian Wadha El Alameri brought out their king and placed him before them, they received him with the most hearty demonstrations of joy, and accompanied him with unceasing outcries of applause and jubilation even to his palace. Muhamad Ben Hixem had meanwhile concealed himself in a remote apartment of that building, confiding in the Sclavonian Wadha, and hoping that all would eventually be well with him; but on the day of the Easter of Victims, which was the 10th of Dylhagia, he was led by the Sclavonian Anbaro to the foot of the throne that throne which he had himself so recently occupied, but on which the legitimate King, Hixem El Muyad Billah, had just taken his seat. He was then reproached with much asperity by Hixem, who exclaimed, “Now shalt thou taste the bitter fruit of thy disloyalty and unmeasured ambition;” that said, the king commanded the executioner to take off his head, which was done, when, being placed on a pike, the dissevered head was carried by a Vizier through the streets of the capital at the speed of a horse, the body being cast into the public square, after having been cut into many pieces, which were gathered up on the expiration of the third day, and were then buried in the court of a mosque. The head of Muhamad was ultimately sent by King Hixem to his rival, Suleiman Ben Alhaken, who was then at Citawa, and whom the king hoped to intimidate by that example, thereby inducing him to return to his allegiance…

1010 A.D.

…On the 7th day of the moon of Giumada Primera there died at Cordova the Cadi of the Aljama, Ahmed Ben Abdelmelic Ben Haxem , a man of extraordinary wisdom and rectitude. The Hagib of King Hixem Ben Alhakem, Wadha El Alameri, was present at his burial, which took place in the Macbora or cemetery of Coraixi; the prayer was made for him by the Cadi Abu Becri Ben Wafid, and the ablutions of the dead were performed by Abu Omar Ben Afif: all the inhabitants of the city attending the remains of Ahmed Ben Abdelmelic to the place of their repose…


CHAPTER CVIII
OF THE SIEGE OF CORDOVA, TIIE ENTRANCE OF THE HAGIB WADHA EL ALAMARI INTO MEDINA TOLEDO, AND THAT OF SULEIMAN BEN ALHAKEM INTO CORDOVA

King Hixem confirmed the Sclavonian Wadha in his office of Hagib, and that general made several sallies against the Africans commanded by Suleiman Ben Alhakem, in all of which he obtained the advantage; but knowing that the Wali Obeidala was about to join his forces, which formed a select and well-appointed army, to those of Suleiman, he committed the government and defence of the capital to the two generals, Zabor and Anbaro, who were, like himself, Sclavonians, while he proceeded to the territory of Toledo, hoping to arrest the march of Obeidala, and demanding aid for that purpose from the people on the frontiers of Castile as well as from the King of the Christians. From the latter he received a reply to the effect that Suleiman Ben Alhakem had given the Christian six fortresses on con dition of receiving aid at his hands, but that as he would rather assist King Hixem El Muyad Billah than the rebel Suleiman, he would send auxiliaries to him instead, provided that he were assured of certain other fortresses which he named.

Hearing this, the Sclavonian Wadha did not await the decision of the king his master, but hastening to make his agreement with the Infidel, he assented to those conditions; when the Christian auxiliaries immediately joined him. The Alameri then prepared for his attack on Toledo, whence the Wali Obeidala had already departed, and Wadha, having secret intelligence with certain of the in habitants, soon obtained possession of the place.

Receiving an account of what had happened, Obeidala then returned to seek his enemies, and encountered the host of the Sclavonian general, with his Christian auxiliaries, in the vicinity of Maqueda. There they fought a sanguinary battle , wherein the forces of Obeidala were defeated and fled towards Cordova; but, being closely pur sued by the enemy, Obeidala, with many of his cavaliers, fell into the hands of Wadha El Alameri. Among those who were thus unfortunate were Muhamad Ben Temar and Ahmed Ben Muhamad Ben Wasim of Toledo, one of the most distinguished persons of that city, and a very learned man. That cavalier was nailed to a cross, whereon he re peated the Sura Yax, the soldiers cruelly wounding him in the face with their javelins until the head became detached from the stake, and, falling forwards, the unhappy noble then hung suspended by his girdle, in which condition he expired. This deplorable event took place, according to Abu Meruan Ben Hayan , in the moon of Regeb of the year 401; but according to other authorities, in the moon Yaban of the same year.

Obeidala was taken to Cordova under a strong guard, and had scarcely arrived there before the king commanded that he should be beheaded. That Wali was then in the

flower of his age ; and when the people heard that he had been taken while fighting against the Christians, they vituperated the Hagib Wadha El Alameri with bitter violence, and murmuring against King Hixem and his generals, they called them heretics and bad Moslemah.

The government of Toledo had been meanwhile entrusted by the Hagib Wadha to Abu Ismael Dilnoun , a very power ful Xeque and noble of that city , who, by his authority and influence, had facilitated the entrance of the Hagib therein . Having thus taken measures for the tranquillity of the place , the Sclavonian Wadha, well satisfied with his success, dismissed his Christian auxiliaries with many gifts, and promises in still greater abundance; after which he re turned to Cordova. He was there received with much honour by the king, who granted him many favours for his Sclavonians and Alameries, on whom he conferred Al caidias and other offices in the south of Spain, – as for example the governments of Tadmir, Cartagena, Alâlfe, Alicant, Almeria, Denie, Xativa, and others; those who already held appointments of importance he confirmed in their charge.

But Suleiman and his Africans continued in the vicinity of Cordova, where they committed grievous devastations, cutting up the fields around Ecija , Carmona, and other towns on the shores of the Guadalquiver. The Hagib Wadha therefore sent his Sclavonian generals Zabor and Anbaro to engage the Africans, whom their troops en countered with varying fortunes for some time, but finally succeeded in driving them from the Guadalquiver and forcing them to take refuge in the mountains. Some relief was thereby given to the capital, which had already begun to feel the want of provisions very grievously, the people having long suffered cruel hunger, which at length caused a pestilence that kept all in terror of contagion…

…Now Suleiman Ben Alhakem had not remained unac quainted with the state of things in Cordova; he knew the discontent occasioned among the nobles by the undue influence conceded to the Sclavonians and Alameries; they it was that enjoyed all the confidence of the king, who dis trusted his own kindred, and put no faith in his most loyal servants. Determined that he would not lose so favour able an opportunity, Suleiman therefore wrote to the Walies of Calatrava, Guadalaxara, Medina, Selim, and Saragossa, declaring to them that if they would give him aid against the Sclavonians, who were exercising a tyrannical sway at Cordova and in other cities of the kingdom, he would for his part assure them of their continuance in their govern ments, and not only so, but would cause those offices to descend by right of inheritance to their sons. The Walies thus appealed to were by that last promise assured of ob taining a concession which many of those ambitious rulers had long desired, and they made an agreement with Sulei man accordingly , sending him their banners without delay, and each being accompanied by a well-appointed force of foot and horse.

1011 A.D.

These things being made known to the Hagib Wadha El Alameri, and he, finding that the Walies of eastern Spain were about to march against him , made the king acquainted with these preparations for war, and the great movements then effecting in the provinces : he further more persuaded Hixem to write letters to Aly Ben Hamud, the Wali of Cebta and Tunis, as also to his brother Alcasim, Wali of Algezira Alhadra, whom he knew to be at variance with Suleiman Ben Alhakem, offering them great concessions and advantages of various kinds if they would come to his aid with all their power; nay, the Hagib even prevailed on King Hixem to promise that in the event of their ensuring to him the triumph which he desired to obtain over his foes, he would cause the elder of the two brothers, even Aly Ben Hamud, to be declared his successor to the throne.

Yet, when these letters were written, the Hagib did not send them, but kept them for some more opportune occasion — perhaps because he was himself somewhat doubtful of the measure, although it was he who had proposed it.

The year 402 passed over the heads of the Andalusians who continued in the endurance of very cruel sufferings from the ravages of the pestilence, as well as from the trials and afflictions of civil war : provisions were fast failing in the capital, misfortunes of all kinds were accumulating , and the discontent of the people increased in cqual proportion . The populace, ever ready to murmur against the government, were rendered furious and un manageable by all these calamities , and such of the in habitants as were able to quit Cordova , did so, flying to the mountains, or taking refuge in the smaller towns, as the case might be.

By means of these fugitives and by others of which he had contrived to obtain possession , Suleiman Ben Alhakem had meanwhile maintained an exchange of letters with certain of the more influential inhabitants; nay, some authorities affirm that even the Hagib Wadha himself was one among them; but this does not appear to be credible. Yet the King Hixem Ben Alhakem was assured that such was the case; and it was furthermore declared to him that his Sclavonian Hagib meditated the surrender of the city to his enemies. Then the unhappy Hixem, who believed all and feared all, caused the loyal Hagib to be thrown into prison. Immediately afterwards, those letters which the king had written, as above related, to the governor of Cebta and Algezira, were found to be still in Wadha’s possession , and the hapless Hixem commanded that the head of his faithful servant should be struck off; thus forgetting in a moment of anger all the devotion and good service of so many years.

The king then named Hairan, the governor of Almeria, his Hagib; and as that general was a man ofmuch prudence and valour, he was perhaps better calculated for the office thus conferred on him than any other noble then about the person of the monarch, whom he might have saved had the good fortune of that ill-fated prince not been now arrived at its close. Hairan was of the Sclavonian Alimeries, as the Hagib Wadha had been, and was the last of them who served King Hixem.

Algasenia, an accomplished poetess of Bagena, composed a long Casida of elegant verses in praise of Hairan Lord of Almeria and Hagib to King Hixem El Muyad Billah; these she presented to the general about this time, and they were very highly applauded by the distinguished spirits of the day.

Of a most benign and generous disposition, the new Hagib frequently prevented the fulfilment of the tyrannous orders issued by the king, who felt distrust of all the prin cipal men of the city, and would not permit them to assemble in any place but the mosques, suspecting con spiracies in the most innocent meetings of the nobles. But this oppression of his subjects, and the discontent which Hixem thus awakened in their hearts , was most favourable to Suleiman Ben Alhakem, who had long occupied Medina Azahrah with a numerous host, and now kept the capital closely besieged.

The Hagib Hairan was meanwhile doing his best to animate the guards and other troops to the defence of their king and the city; yet his efforts and exhortations pro duced but little effect . He performed his part as a good general should; but a city which does not care to defend itself is not easily to be preserved. One day, while Hairan, with his guards, was fighting at the gate of the Axarquia, and labouring to disperse a body of the Africans who were filling up the trenches, there arose a dispute between the inhabitants of the city and the troops still remaining faithful to the king, who were defending the second gate, but whom the traitors were then attacking with all the force they could assemble. Informed of this perilous disorder, the Hagib was compelled to abandon the important post which he was maintaining, for the purpose of repressing the rioters; since the royal troops and the people were performing the office of the enemy by cutting each other to pieces.

While Hairan was thus employed, admission was given to the besiegers by those who favoured them within the walls; the general then hastened with his guards to attempt their expulsion , and, opposing their entrance step by step, a sanguinary contest ensued, which did not close till night fall, when the troops of Suleiman had obtained possession of all the towers and forts around the capital. The brave and faithful Hairan fell wounded among the few loyal and valiant cavaliers of Cordova , who were still animated by his example, and had resolved to die in their duty, when the Africans made themselves masters of the city.

1012 A.D. 

But not long did the traitors who had delivered up their trust escape the punishment due to that treachery: the Africans and their auxiliaries made a cruel slaughter among the citizens, without respect to friends or foes, and for three days they sacked the place, paying no regard to the repre sentations of those who, having been of their party, had hoped to profit by the treachery they had favoured, even when taking no actual part in the matter. Frightful cruelties were committed on all sides. The learned and eloquent orator, Muhamad Casim El Halati, was inhumanly murdered in his own house, as was Chalaf Ben Salema Ben Chamis of Cordova, one of the Odules or sworn judges of the city, he also being assassinated in his chamber, and subsequently buried, without attendance or prayer, in the Macbora of Ben Abbas.

On the same day, Abu Salema El Zahid, Imaum of the Mosque of Ain Tar, was cut to pieces in his dwelling; and the wise Ayoub Ruch Bono, with Said Ben Mondhir, son of the Cadi of the Aljama, was likewise cruelly murdered; Muhamad Ben Abi Siar, a Sclavonian of the king’s guard, then lying sick in his house, met the same fate, as did Abdallah Ben Husein, called El Garbali, an eminent architect of Cordova, who had constructed many splendid edifices and royal dwellings therein, with other buildings, all contributing to the public utility and convenience; he also having been cut to pieces by those barbarians in their horrible irruption into the capital, which took place on a most unfortunate Monday, the 6th day of the moon Xawal in the year 403. Nay El Badalyosi has even affirmed that the remains of Abdallah Ben Husein remained three days without burial, and that the body was at length taken to Nacbora Om Salema, where the remnants of his household yet living buried it without ablution, without a shroud , and without prayer ; so great was the confusion and horror into which the afflicted people of Cordova were thrown by the murders, plunder, and violence of every kind to which they were sub jected in those days of judgment.

No sooner had his troops entered the city , than Snleiman Ben Alhakem took possession of the Alcazar, at whose gate it was that the Hagib Hairan El Alameri had fallen wounded. Being covered by the corpses of other brave and noble cavaliers who had fallen with him, the general was sheltered from further injury, and lay there in sensible among the dead; but in the course of the night his senses returned, and he found strength to free himselt from the weight by which he was at once protected and oppressed. The soldiers, busied with their plunder, did not remark the figure thus rising from a heap of corpses, and the mangled commander having become sensible to the realities of his position, continued to drag himself from the bodies around him, and at length reached a place of shelter which he found in the house of a poor but honourable citizen, where he remained unknown to all, and in that concealment was cured of his wounds.

Suleiman Ben Alhakem was soon proclaimed king, with the title of Adofar Bihulallah. The Sclavonians and other honourable servants of King Hixem made supplication for their lord to the conqueror: but what he did with that hapless prince was not known, nor has it even yet been ascertained with certainty, since he never was seen again either living or dead; neither did Hixem leave any succession, unless it were that of calamities and civil discords. The barbarians assassinated many noble Xeques in their dwellings; and, in addition to those already enumerated, may be mentioned the Sclavonian Muhamad Ben Zeyad, who had been a closely familiar friend of King Hixem. Those murderous wretches even burst into the harems of the principal inhabitants of Cordova, — and that profanation rendered them more odious than all their cruelties had done…


CHAPTER CIX
OF THE GOVERNMENT OF KING SULEIMAN BEN ALHAKEM , OF THE NEW CIVIL WAR, AND OF OTHER EVENTS

1013 A.D.

…The Sclavonian Hairan El Alameri lay, meanwhile, concealed in the capital until he had been cured of his wounds, when he secretly went forth and reached Auriola, without having encountered the enemies who were seeking him. There he found shelter among his friends and partisans, by whom he was enabled not only to attain his own city of Almeria, but also to take with him a considerable force of troops, with some treasure. The Wali who had been appointed in his place, even Alafia Ben Ahmed, resisted the entrance of Hairan, and defended himself in his Alcazar during twenty days; but the palace was taken by force, and the unhappy general was thrown into the sea, with all his children.

In the year 405, Hairan passed from Almeria to Cebta, where Aly Ben Hamud was governor, and that noble he persuaded to take part with him in seeking vengeance for the deposition and suspected death of the King Hixem Ben Alhakem. The proposals of Hairan were to the effect that Aly should assemble his forces, which he should unite with those of Hairan and ofhis own brother Alcasim Ben Hamud , lord of Algezira Alhadra, by whose aid and that of other Alameries, Governors, and Alcaides of fortresses in the south of Spain, they might hope to drive Suleiman Ben Alhakem from Cordova, seeing that he was reigning there not with the consent of the Andalusians, but against their wish.

1014 A.D.

Hairan spoke with much warmth concerning the wrongs of the unhappy King Hixem Ben Alhakem, quoting the letters which Hixem had caused to be written to Aly Ben Hamud and his brother Alcasim, calling them to his aid, and offering them the succession to the throne, of all which Hairan could speak with effect, as being one who had inti mate knowledge of everything connected with the matter. Furthermore, and as if the unfortunate Hixem had been still living – although it is more than probable that he had then ceased either to hope or fear – Hairan described the indignities of his imprisonment and the constant danger to which he was exposed while permitted to remain in the hands of so cruel an enemy as was Suleiman Ben Alhakem . In the name of his sovereign, therefore, he entreated Aly Ben Hamud not to lose a moment, but at once to attempt his deliverance, adding, that even though they might not arrive in timeto effect the saving of his life, they should in any case be ready to avenge the obscure and unmerited death which his enemies had inflicted on him, and which it more particularly belonged to them to do, as being descendants of the same illustrious race with the hapless king.

Incited by the words of Hairan, and by his gratitude to King Hixem, the noble general Aly Ben Hamud, who was of his nature a most compassionate and generous youth , determined to bestir himself in behalf of the deposed monarch, and if he were not permitted to deliver him from the foes into whose hands he had fallen, yet to avenge his innocent blood: he therefore united himself with Hairan, and, conjointly with that general, he wrote letters to his brother Alcasim Ben Hamud, exhorting him to assemble his forces for the purpose of uniting with the Alameries of Andalusia in their attempt to deliver or avenge the oppressed King Hixem Ben Alhakem.

Furnished with these letters, Hairan then departed from Cebta , and sailed for Algezira Alhadra, where he was pre sented on his disembarkation with a copy of very elegant verses by the renowned poet Abu Amer Ben Deragh, to whom Hairan made the royal gift of one hundred and fifty mitcals of gold for the same.

On the part of Alcasim Ben Hamud the Sclavonian general found no difficulty, — on the contrary, that Ameer entered into the alliance proposed to him with all his heart, assembled the flower of his troops, and being joined by those of his brother Aly , which arrived from Cebta and Tangiers, he took possession of Medina Malaga in concert with the Sclavonian Hairan, although the Alcaide of that city , Amer Ben Feth , did his utinost to oppose their enterprise.

The purpose of these allies was now made public : they declared their determination to restore their legitimate sovereign Hixem Ben Alhakem Ben Abderahman Anasir to the throne of Spain, and called on all good Moslemah to bear part in that undertaking. The Alameries agreed to place themselves entirely under the guidance of the illustrious Aly Ben Hamud, whom they elected the leader of all, and so they joined their banners, in the hope of a successful war.

All the towns of the empire were now thrown into · commotion , and the report of this important enterprise was presently sounding throughout broad Spain…

1015 A.D.

…We now return to the affairs of Suleiman Ben Alhakem. When the reports of what was doing on the coast reached Cordova, they did not fail to cause him heavy cares : he wrote to his generals , and sent’ envoys to his allies. Some have affirmed that he then put to death the deposed King Hixem Ben Alhakem El Muyad Billah , suspecting him of being the prime mover in those troubles ; but God alone knows the truth of that matter; all that can with certainty be averred is, that nothing more was ever heard of King Hixem after the third entry of Suleiman Ben Alhakem into Cordova

Not desiring to await his enemies in the capital, Suleiman’s first orders were for the assembling of his cavalry, and with that force he left the city, remitting the government thereof to his father Albakem Ben Abderahman, although the old man was very reluctant to accept the charge, and more than once refused to undertake it.

The general Hairan El Alameri had meanwhile repaired to Almunecaub with the troops which he had gathered from Almeria, and was there joined by Aly Ben Hamud, with those of Cebta and Tangiers; the people of Malaga and Algezira, with those of their Comarcas, also proceeding to the same point of union, seeing that Almunecaub is at equal distance from Almeria and Malaga. Here, when the banners had all assembled , the leaders bound themselves by a vow to restore the dethroned monarch Hixem El Muyad Billah to the seat of his fathers, and to obey him, the son of their ancient lords, as the only true sovereign of Spain

This was done with much solemnity in the presence of the congregated troops, because there was much distrust among them; and in discourse with each other, the soldiers freely declared that their generals were moving not for King Hixem , but for their own particular interest, and to avenge their private wrongs.

To the very confines of Almunecaub, where the army of Aly Ben Hamud and his allies were thus preparing for action , came Suleiman Ben Alhakem with a flying camp of carefully selected cavalry , when several skirmishes ensued between the advanced parties of either army, both sides fighting with much bravery and various fortunes.

It was the desire of Suleiman Ben Alhakem to avoid a general engagement, and he took much pains to do so , unwilling to encounter the large force of the allies in a pitched battle ; he hoped, indeed, that the delays thus ensuing would diminish the fervour by wbich they were animated, and trusted to time for the breaking- up of their union, seeing that such dissolution is the most frequent result of alliances thus formed.

But the wise and experienced Hairan divining his purpose, was equally anxious to bring him to battle ; and Aly Ben Hamud, prudently accepting the advice of his older ally , did his best to produce that result ; wherefore they did at length find means, though not without great difficulty and many stratagems, to compel their adversary to open fight power against power, — when a sanguinary combat ensued , with incalculable loss to both ‘ armies. This took place towards the close of the year 406…

1016 A.D.

…In the year 407, the war between Suleiman and the allied forces of Hairan, Aly , and Alcasim , was continued with various fortunes, the towns and populationsmeanwhile suffer ing cruelly from their incursions and the excesses of the soldiery , insomuch that all were living in fear and dis quietude.

Suleiman was anxious to obtain an increase of his army from Cordova and its Comarcas ; but the few troops sent him served without zeal or good will of any kind, whole companies of them going over to the enemy before his eyes. His former allies from the frontier of eastern Spain excused themselves with various pretexts, and none came to his aid . All the host of Suleiman Ben Alhakem was thus formed of Africans and the cavalry of Merida, Carmona, Ecija, and Seville, with the people of Algarve, these forces being led by his brother Abderahman, by Abu Giafar, Wali of Santa maria , and by the Wali of Merida, Abu Othman Said Ben Haraun . The enemies of Suleiman did not neglect to foment and encourage the disobedience and discontent prevailing in the various provinces, and sought to do him injury in every manner that they could devise.

1017 A.D.

And now , after many skirmishes and combats of com paratively slight importance, the two hosts met in the Comarca of Medina Talca , which is in the territory of Seville , when , as of one accord , they commenced a furious battle. The Africans fought with a barbarous valour, en forced by the example of their intrepid leaders, and above all by that of their king, Suleiman Ben Alhakem , who went raging like a maddened lion through the hottest of the fight. But yielding at length to the superiority of numbers, he began to retire as the day drew near its close, withdrawing his troops in good order, and proposing to reach the fortress, there to take shelter for the night, when he was suddenly attacked by the greater portion of his own men . The soldiers had been induced to that mutiny by the shameless treason of their Andalusian officers, who followed the breath of fortune : and that inconstant one, according to her usual practice, had that day abandoned Suleiman Ben Alhakem for ever. Thus the two brothers, their horses lying dead beneath them , and themselves covered with wounds, were surrounded by the boldest of their enemies, and fell almost expiring into their hands. At that time there lay by the side of Suleiman, bravely fighting for whom they had sacri ficed their lives, his faithful vizier, Ahmed Ben Said , lord of Santamaria, in Algarve, with his son -in -law , Said Ben Haraun of Merida ; other cavaliers of Algarve,who had also kept their faith to their lord , very narrowly escaping the same fate. The field remained concealed beneath the corpses of the slain for a vast distance

On the following day, the victors entered Seville without any resistance, and continuing their march from that city, they took possession of Cordova with equal facility . The old man Alhakem Ben Abderahman, being made acquainted by the fugitive Africans with the misfortunes of his sons, bad no wish to restrain the triumphant course of Aly Ben Hamud, the avenger, nor any power to do so , even had he felt the wish. No sooner had the allies entered Cordova, than Aly Ben Hamud made himself master of the Alcazar, took the Wali Alhakem Ben Abderahman prisoner, and commanded that his two sons Suleiman and Abderahman should be brought to his presence, although they were then dying of the many and grave wounds they had received in the battle. Aly then enquired of the noble old chief, and said , “ Oh, man of many days, what hast thou done with the King Hixem , and whither bast thou borne him ?” Whereunto the old man answered that he knew nothing of the matter. Then said Aly, “ Ye have put him to death.” But Alhakem replied , “ No, by Allah, that have we not ; nor do we know whether he be living or dead , or where he now is .” There upon Aly drew his sword , and said, “ These heads do I offer to the vengeance of Hixem El Muyad Billah, and so do I fulfil my charge.” Then Suleiman raised his eyes and said , “ Let thy sword fall on mine alone, Aly Ben Hamud, for these my father and brother have done nothing to offend any man, or to merit death .” But Aly disregarded his words, and with his own hand he beheaded them all three , removing each head by one firm and well- directed blow . The death of Suleiman , of Alhakem his father , and of his brother Abderahman , took place on a Sunday, the 20th of the moon of Moharram , in the year of the Hegira 407.

Aly now commanded that King Hixem should be sought with great care : and there was no apartment and no dungeon of the royal palaces and dwellings wherein he did not cause search to be made ; but all this was only vain labour, – Hixem El Muyad Billah never appeared again either in life or as the dead, and his departure from this world was at length made public, giving occasion for the setting about among the people of many strange fables and groundless rumours.


CHAPTER CX
OF THE REIGN OF ALY BEN HAMUD

1018 A.D. 

By the counsels of Hairan Alameri the Sclavonian, Aly Ben Hamud was now proclaimed in Cordova as King of Spain , with the titles of Motuakil Billab and of Anasir Ledinallah, that proclamation being made on the 13th day of Giumada Segunda, in the year 408. The Chotba or public prayer was then made for their new sovereign in all the mosques; and Aly wrote to the Walies and Governors of provinces, making known to them that King Hixem El Muyad Billah had declared him successor to the throne before losing his liberty , and expressing his hope that they would come to his capital, as loyal subjects should do, to take the oath of fidelity and allegiance to his rule.

From the Walies of Seville, Toledo, Merida, and Saragossa, Aly Ben Hamud received no replies to his letters ; a circumstance which caused the king to conceive much fear and distrust, more especially of the Alameries. The Sclavonian Hairan , moreover, made many extravagant deinands on him, and appeared to believe that he was failing in the fulfilment of the conditions agreed on between them; wherefore, fearing that general’s influence in Cordova, the King Aly Ben Hamud dismissed him from the Court, and commanded him to repair to his government of Almeria: but Hairan departed in great displeasure, offended by that proceeding on the part of Aly Ben Hamud, and meditating revenge against the proud and ungrateful king.

Moved by these feelings, the Sclavonian general incited other leaders to rebellion as he passed onwards to his government ; and many of the Alameries joining his party, Hairan entered into a conspiracy against Aly Ben Hamud, with the Alcaides of Arjona, Jaen, and Baeza, in conjunction with whom he wrote to Almondar, the Wali of Saragossa , exhorting him to unite with them for the purpose of driving Aly from the throne and restoring the same to the Omeyas, who were in fact the lawful heirs, and to whom Aly Ben Hamud, in his treaty with the allied leaders, had promised the restitution of their just claims.

And now, to give their enterprise the more weight, and secure the consideration of the people, the Walies assembled in Guadix, where they took a solemn oath to maintain with all their power the war by which a legitimate prince of the house of Ömeya, to whom all might pay a rightful obedience, should be placed on the throne of Cordova.

Such were the purposes which they publicly declared ; but the stipulations secretly made and agreed to among them were of a less generous character : they were in fact more eagerly seeking their private interests than the general welfare, aiming atnothing less than the permanence and security of their governments and offices , each hoping to secure that which he held in his own family , and pro posing to obtain their cities or provinces as the hereditary possession of their houses, in reward for the zeal they were displaying and the labours they were about to under take.

With the plausible pretext set forth as above mentioned, the Walies assembled a large host, the natural love of the people for their ancient sovereigns causing all to hope that they might recover their previous calm and prosperity under the shadow and within the protection of their Omeyan princes…

…The banners of the Walies united against Aly Ben Hamud were now approaching Cordova, led by the Sclavonian Hairan El Alameri : but their arrival was no sooner made known to King Aly, than he sallied forth to meet and attack them with his Africans and the people he had assembled from Malaga and Algezira-Alhadra. This the allied forces had not expected, believing the king would be intimidated by their approach , and permit himself to be shut up in the capital: they were therefore taken at disadvantage, and the cavalry of Aly fell upon them with such impetuosity as to throw them into a disorderly flight. A frightful slaughter was then made by the troops of Aly among the foot soldiers of his assailants; and those generals, each accusing the other of the misfortune they had sustained , broke up their alliance, and separated in discontent. King Aly then charged his Wali Gilfeya, who was an experienced general, to pursue the fugitives, commanding him to make a cruel war on the Sclavonian Hairan El Alameri in particular; whereupon that captain passed through the districts which were supposed to be more particularly favourable to the Alameries, and besieged several strong towns which held for that party.

Hairan, for his part, bad meanwhile retired to the terri tory of Jaen, and assembling the banners of the towns in that region , he formed a league with them , when they agreed to proclaim the Wali of Jaen , who was an illustrious cavalier of the house of Omeya, the lawful king of Spain . This was Abderahman Ben Muhamad Ben Abdelmelic Ben Abderah man Anasir, called Almortadi and Abul Motaraf, a virtuous man , who possessed vast riches, was of a liberal as well as upright mind , and had secured the love of all that land by the excellencies of his character. The name alone of that cavalier, who was the great-grandson of Abderahman the Great, lent a powerful impulse to the party of the Alameries. The towns and people of those mountain regions proclaimed him their king and lord with acclamations of gladness : and Hairan the Sclavonian, with all the Alcaides and Alameries then present, took the oath of fidelity and obedience to his rule : the only person who excused himself, under various suppositions and pretences,was ElSanhagi, Wali of Granada and Elvira.


CHAPTER CXI
OF ABDERAHMAN ALMORTADI

The Proclamation of Abderahman , the fifth of that name in the house of the Omeyas of Spain , with the oath of alle giance taken by his people, was celebrated in the city of Jaen with much solemnity and with many demonstrations of public gladness. Abderahman appointed the Sclavonian Hairan to be Hagib of his house and state, when the latter convoked the Walies of the cities in his master’s name, causing them to assemble troops, with which he marched against the forces of King Aly Ben Hamud.

The two hosts met near Baza , and an obstinate battle ensued, when the army led by Gilfeya conquered, and Hairan Alameri was compelled to retire . He then withdrew from fortress to fortress, being under the necessity of sustaining a skirmishing fight at every movement.

In one of these combats the Sclavonian general was severely wounded, and his cavaliers being dispersed, he was fain to corceal himself in a remote quarter of Baza, when his soldiers, believing him to be dead or a prisoner, returned to Jaen much discouraged and very sad at the loss of their leader . But after the lapse of a few days, the Sclavonian found means to inform King Abderahman and his cavaliers of his safety ; and this intelligence caused them to rejoice greatly , since they had already given him up for lost. The king sent a body of troops to serve as his guard, and these being joined by others from his own city of Almeria , they bore him to that place almost as it were in triumph. He was then immediately surrounded by a great coucourse of Sclavonians and Alameries, the Alcaides of Denia, Tadmir, and Jativa, also repairing to Almeria, each with his re spective banners.

Through the whole extent of eastern Spain the Chotba had now been made for the King Abderahman Almortadi, and all the people of those districts prepared to restore the house of Omeya to the throne of Cordova, being resolved to drive thence the usurper Aly Ben Hamud. The fame of this resolve, and the proclamation of Abderahman, were soon carried through all the provinces of the realm , when the people declared for him in every part. Valencia, Tortosa, Tarragona, and Saragossa, all proclaimed themselves of his party , and the Walies of those provinces sent in their letters of allegiance.

This caused much anxiety to the King Aly Ben Hamud, and he despatched his most carefully selected cavalry to his general Saib of Sanhaga, whom he had appointed Wali of Granada and Elvira , commanding him to press on the war against King Abderahman and his partizanswith the utmost constancy. There were, indeed, many who gave their wishes to that king, but they did not all proceed with equal real and courage: thus the number who gathered round his banners was not large, and the principal part of his strength was in the number of his cities.

Gilfeya and the Wali of Granada and Elvira were mean while infesting the territories and Comarcas of Jaen, in fulfillment of the commands of their lord, while King Abderahman, with his followers, secured themselves in the mountain region of the Alpujarras, and in the strong position of Jaen itself, the city and fortress , that is to say. King Aly Ben Hamud marched in person , with a powerful army, against the Sclavonian Hairan, whom he attacked and besieged in Almeria. After a stubborn resistance he took that city by storm . Hairan fell pierced by many lances as he fought in defence of the place, and so grievously wounded as to be almost dead , was borne to the presence of the conqueror, the Alcazar having surrendered on conditions, and because its defenders were acting in the conviction that their leader had already expired. Almost senseless from loss of blood, the Sclavonian was placed before Ben Hamud , when the latter, forgetting the good service he had formerly received at the hands of the vanquished general, cut off the head of him who had but a few moments to breathe, with his own sword. Then , having taken measures for securing the city of Almeria , Aly returned to Cordova, content with his triumph , and believing that all the discords of the country would soon be at an end , since the restless and rebellious Hairan was at length dead.

In this year of 408…

…Even in the city of Cordova, and in his own Alcazar, King Aly Ben Hamud had many enemies, all of whom were more or less zealous partisans of the King Abderahman Almortadi. The samemightbe said of Seville, and through all Spain the nobles were for the most part on the side of Abderabman. Yet was Aly Ben Hamud not discouraged, but was constantly employed in preparing himself for the continuance of the struggle ; and having despatched a large part of his forces to join the generals Gilfeya and El Sanhagi, in the district of Granada, he was now himself on the point of setting forth to join them , in the hope of putting an end to the war. It was the intention of Aly to attack the city of Jaen, where King Abderahman made his residence, with all his forces, and everything was made ready for that purpose ; the baggage train and guards of the king had even passed the gates of the city , and halted only to wait for his arrival; when, before leaving Cordova, King Aly entered his apartments to take a bath. There, the Sclavonians who attended him having been won to their cause, as is supposed, by the Alameries then in Cordova , seized the unfortunate Aly, and wickedly drowned their lord while thus helpless in their hands.

Such was the unhappy end of the King Aly Ben Hamud. His death took place in the moon of Dylcada, of the year 408.

Aly Ben Hamud was in the 45th year of his age when he thus died ; he was tall of stature, and of handsome person; his eyes were black, he was slight and spare of figure, and a man of severe and virtuous life , but very cruel to his enemies. He was King of Cordova one year and nine months. His death was publicly reported to be an accident or natural misfortune, and so did his guards and more trustworthy servants believe it to be. God alone knows all things.


CHAPTER CXII
OF ALCASIM BEN HAMUD, BROTHER OF ALY

The Generals of King Aly ‘ s guards, and all the followers of that prince, proclaimed his brother Alcasim Ben Hamud, Lord of Algezira Alhadra, as King of Spain; and this they did in Cordova with one accord, going through all the streets to make public his inauguration , and cailing him El Manun . The event of his brother ‘s death was made known to Alcasim with incredible rapidity, and he hastened to the capital followed by a force of four thousand horsemen , insomuch that his enemies had not time to impede his entrance or excite any movement against him ; wherefore many of the nobles of Cordova saw themselves compelled to swear allegiance to him and became his followers in their own despite.

One of the earliest cares of Alcasim was to command a rigid investigation to be made into the cause of his brother’s death . The Sclavonians who had served him in his bath were subjected to unheard -of tortures , and in the midst of these they confessed that they had murdered the king to satisfy the vengeance of certain among the Alameries and others, whom the cruelties of Aly Ben Hamud had made his enemies.

And now , although these Sclavonians did not name any particular person , yet Alcasim Ben Hamud caused many of the nobles to be put to death without any other proof of guilt than the presumption that they were his brother ‘s enemies, arising from the fact that he had punished or put to death other nobles who were their kinsmen .

All men now feared Alcasim , and trembled in his presence, the principal families of the city being those most heavily oppressed. Many cavaliers fled the capital, and passed over to King Abderahman Almortadi, insomuch that the vengeance taken by Alcasim Ben Hamud enriched the party of his rival by the addition of many powerful nobles to his banners . The reports of certain victories gained by the people of Jaen over the Wali of Granada also came at This time to increase the hopes of those who were attached to the family of Omeya, while they augmented the fears and distrust of the followers of the Hamudes in equal proportion.

[he was replaced by his nephew YAHYE BEN ALY]


CHAPTER CXIII
OF YAHYE BEN ALY

1021 A.D. 

Alcasim then made his entry into Cordova without having met with the slightest resistance ; but none of the principal inhabitants went forth to receive him , and he was met only by some few of the populace ; – a circumstance by which he was much displeased, and which clearly proved to him that the capital was not well-affected towards his authority . He at once commenced an enquiry, by which he learned the names of such principalmen among the Sclavonians as were most zealous in the cause of his nephew , and ordered that certain of these, as well as others belonging to the palace , should be put to the torture ; when , as the number he sus pected was great , so the sufferings he inflicted were many as well as grievous. These cruelties caused Alcasim Ben Hamud to be more than ever abhorred ; and the more important of the nobles, perceiving that he had sent the greater part of his troops to the aid of Gilfeya, as a man who thought he had no cause to fear, began to enter into a conspiracy against him . With all the secrecy required, and taking care to let no trace of their real purpose appear , they contrived to gain over large numbers of the people, among whom they expended vast sums of money, distributing arms also to such of the citizens as they permitted to partake to a certain extent of their confidence, but concealing their ultimate end from all.

Towards midnight, therefore, — that being the point of timewhich they had selected, — they made a sudden attack…

…This also took place in the year 413…


CHAPTER CXIV
OF ANOTHER DESCENDANT OB ABDERAHMAN THE GREAT, ABDERAHMAN ALMOSTADIR BILLAH

1022 A.D.

…The proclamation of Abderahman Almostadir had taken place in the moon of Ramazan ; and the Easter of Alfitra or the close of Ramazan having come, the king saw cause to desire that the unlimited license permitted to themselves by his Andalusian and Sclavonian guard should be repressed by the strong hand, seeing that during the disorders of the period of revolt just passed , they had formed the habit of going through the city, in the time of those festivals, com mitting every kind of excess, appearing to believe that every thing was to be endured at their hands, and that all the citizens were bound to yield obedience to their insolent commands.

The rules by which that body of soldiers was regulated now received a revisal: many of their privileges were taken away from them , many of their exemptions were recalied : and in these regulations the king did no more than give evidence of the rectitude by which he was governed . But the turbulent soldiery thus restrained , were greatly dis pleased by those changes ; the African Zenetes were more particularly offended , and many of them declared in their murmurs that the King Abderahman Almostadir ought rather to have been chosen the Prefect or Chief of a band of solitaries, an abbot of hermits in the desert, rather than as king to occupy the throne of Cordova.

Muhamad Ben Abderahman Ben Obeidala, the cousin of the king, did not fail to profit by these dispositions among the royal guard: availing himself of the opportunitiesafforded him by the possession of great riches, he soon obtained much popularity among them; and, by favour of certain light and inconsiderate youth of the nobles, he contrived to engage these troops in a conspiracy as hasty as it was trai torous and cruel. On thetwenty – seventh of the moon Dylcada a band of the guard thus conspiring entered the king’s apart ments at the hour of dawn , and before King Abderahman had risen: they cut down the Sclavonians who endeavoured to defend the door of the royal chamber, when Abderahman himself, disturbed by the clash of weapons and the cries of his Sclavonian guard, who had remained faithful to him , awoke and sprang from his bed. He defended himself for some time with his sword : but what could one man do against a multitude? He was soon overthrown, and the assassins cut him to pieces with inhuman cruelty.


Part III

CHAPTER I
of the election of Gehwar, of his government, and of the state of the provinces

1031 A.D.

Now when the unhappy intelligence of the death of their King Yahye had reached the city of Malaga, the inhabitants thereof had despatched messengers into Africa conveying the news of that event to Abu Giafar Ahmed Ben Abi Muza, known as Aben Bokina, and to the Sclavonian Naja, who both held governments in that country. These leaders thereupon repaired without delay to Spain, whither they brought a brother of the deceased Yahye, even Edris Ben Aly Ben Hamud, whom they hastened to proclaim king in Malaga, giving him the title of Alolui and saluting him as Ameer Amumenin. …

…The accession of Edris, the brother of Yahye, to the throne of Malaga ooh place int he year 418. He was a good and beneficent man by whom all who had been exiled were permitted to return to their homes, and the property and lands of such as had forfeited their possessions he restored to their original owners . Edris was very charitable moreover ; and on every Juma* he distributed 500 doubloons of gold in alms to the poor : a man of much learning, he paid frequent visits to the schools, and did not disdain to give his personal attention to the poor and humble : at a word, the benevolence of the king was ever ready for all who sought his aid . The Viziers of his dominions were two, – the Sclavonian Naja , who ruled in Africa , and Aben Bokina, with his kinsman Muza Ben Afan, who held the govern ment of Malaga : the latter was his Hagib as well as Vizier ; the former was the general of his armies…


CHAPTER II
CIVIL WARS AMONG THE MOSIEMAH

1034 A.D.

At this time the King of Malaga, even Edris, who had been long sick , departed to the mercy of Allah, when his eneral Aben Bokina did all that in him lay to secure the throne for Yahye Ben Edris, known as El Hayan : the Xeques and principal nobles of the city and its Comarcas also concurred in that desire ; and the oath of allegiance being proffered to Prince Yahye, he was proclaimed amidst tbe acclamations of all. But when the news of the death of Edris Ben Aly reached Cebta, the Sclavonian Vizier Naja, who governed there, deputed another Sclavonian general, in whom he confided, to act in his place, and cross ing the Strait, be passed over to Malaga with Hacen Ben Yahye Ben Aly , whom he proposed to crown king of that city. It will be remembered that the Sclavonian general had been the guardian from his childhood of that prince, and he retained so complete an empire over him , that he was thus assured of holding both the African and Spanish sovereignties in his own hands.

When Aben Bokina was informed of their debarkation on the shores of Spain , he went forth from the city to meet them with a select force of his bravest cavaliers: the Sclavonian General Naja and the Prince Hacen Ben Yahye were then compelled to retire to the Alcazaba, within which they were admitted by means of the intelligence which they had maintained with the Alcaide of the place. There Aben Bokina instantly besieged them with much vigour and a restless activity of assault ; but the people of Prince Hacen were also full of resolution ; they defended themselves with infinite steadiness and bravery ; their sallies and the assaults which they delivered in their turn causing very heavy losses to the besiegers.

But the siege continuing with varying success on both sides, the provisions of the besieged began to fail, when the Sclavonian Naja proposed a compromise, which was accepted, and consisted in the following conditions:—Prince Hacen Ben Yahye was to return in safety to his government in Cebta and Tangier, while Yahye Ben Edris was to be left in the peaceable enjoyment of Malaga, but with the con dition that he should accept a rich and eminent merchant, called Axetayfa or Xetayfa, for his Vizier, that person being a man in whom Naja placed much confidence. Thus the Sclavonian and his followers came forth in safety from that siege in which they had endured many privations and could entertain no hope of succours. ºthe conditions being arranged, Naja then returned with Hacen Ben Yahye to their governments of Cebta and Tangier.

Now Hacen Ben Yahye Ben Aly had married a cousin of his own, called Asafia; she was the daughter of his uncle Edris, the brother of Aly, and from consideration for her, Prince Hacen had refrained from exalting himself to the independent sovereignty of Cebta, as he might have done. But two years after the events above related, the Sclavonian Naja assassinated Prince Hacen his master; not moved by love to the beautiful Asafia, as some writers affirm, but incited, as is maintained with more probability by others, by his desire for the unrestricted possession of the government, on which he at once entered as absolute master. When the intelligence that Hacen had been thus murdered reached Malaga, the King Yahye Ben Edris for warded messages to all his kindred abjuring them to unite with him for the punishment of that crime. Nor did the assassin Naja remain inactive; gathering whatever forces he could muster, he passed over into Andalusia, in the hope of finding means for sowing discord among those who should assemble against him, and thus neutralizing their alliance. It is affirmed, that before his departure from Cebta he put to death an infant son whom his master Prince Hacen had left behind; but others declare that the child died of sick ness. God alone knows the truth.

As Wali over Cebta and Tangier the traitor Naja left Merubad Bihi Ben Aleslabi; and as the Sclavonian had long and maturely meditated the wicked enterprise on which he was bound, he bestowed double pay on the great body of cavalry which he had raised for the purpose, and now took with him, hoping hereby to secure the fidelity of those troops with the concurrence of their officers in his ambitious designs.

Having passed the Strait with a powerful fleet, he at once succeeded in obtaining possession of the two fortresses of Malaga, with its Alcazar, which he entered by surprise, and with the aid of the intelligence which he had found means to establish and maintain with the Vizier Xetayfa . The Sclavonian general then shut up King Edris as a prisoner in his own chamber, thinking of nothing less than assassi nating him as he had done Prince Hacen , and thus render ing himself master of all the territories held by the allied Alhacenes in Spain , as he had obtained those they owned in Africa. The merchant Xetayfa , with his riches and authority, gave Naja most valuable aid in these his inten tions, supplying his people with abundance of provisions and enabling him to continue the double pay he had offered not only to the people of Barbary who had accompanied him , but also to such other vagabonds and broken men as now came flocking to join his force.

The news of these violent proceedings did not fail to reach Algezira , when Muhamad Ben Alcasem at once assembled his troops for the rescue of his kinsman Edris, and to proceed against the traitorous Sclavonian Naja . The latter then set forth a rumour to the effect that Muhamad was coming, not for the deliverance of Edris, but to make himself master of the city ; and sallying forth with his people, he prepared to give battle to the advancing troops. Hehad not gone far, when certain Xeques who were in his company, but were in secret disaffected to his interests and did not serve him in good faith , but were in fact desirous of his ruin , advised him to return to the city and there await the arrival of his enemies, whom he might then easily over come, or , failing this, might send to Cebta and Tangier for an increase of force ; while if he then risked a battle , he must throw all on the chances of the result. To this Naja replied that he would return as they advised, but with a few of his followers only, and for the arrangement of an affair which was of the highest importance, leaving the greater part of his force to encounter the enemy, or at leaf to keep him in check.

1035 A.D.

But the true purpose of that false traitor was to take the life of Edris and of all such as he believed likely to remain faithful to their king, and with this intention he was in fact hurrying to return to Malaga, when he was himself en countered on the way by certain of the Andalusian Xeques and some generals of Edris, who had not deserted their lord in heart, although they had left the city with the host of Naja. These men followed close on the traces of the in tended murderer, until they had come to a hollow way better known to the Xeques of Malaga than to the African stranger , and which the former had reached by a shorter road than that pursued by the latter ; then taking advan tage of the difficulties presented by the pass , they sur rounded the small body in attendance on the traitor Naja , when they cut the Sclavonian , with ten of his cavaliers, to pieces. That done, two of their number rode hastily to Malaga, when they entered the city, crying, “ Albricias, Albricias !” * _ Victory, victory ! They thus aroused the people, who took their King Yahye Ben Edris from his prison, and bringing him forth to the streets, proclaimed him anew amidst universal rejoicings.

The treacherous Xetayfa was hewn to morsels by the knives of the enraged multitude; nay, all his kindred and partizans were in danger of the same fate, but King Yahye Ben Edris succeeded in pacifying the people and avoiding that effusion of blood, while at the same time he saved the lives of all the other Sclavonians then in Malaga, and who were equally threatened by the populace.

Made acquainted with the death of their leader Naja, the host of that Sclavonian general hastened to disperse;— many passed over into Africa, and escaped; others attached themselves to the service of Muhamad Ben Alcasim of Algezira, offering to become his vassals, and fight against whomever he might assail; wherefore Muhamad Ben Alcasim himself receiving intelligence of all that had occurred from his kinsman Yahye Ben Edris, recalled the troops he had sent to aid the latter named prince, and re mained quietly in Algezira.

1040-41 A.D.

About the same period it was that the Sclavonian Zohair Alameri, lord of Almeria and of a large district in the south of Spain , fell sick unto death, and of that malady he did in fact expire in the year 432. Now Zohair had declared the lord of Valencia , even Abdelaziz Abul Hasan , who was called Almanzor, the successor to all his land and lordships, and that prince appointed his son -in -law , Man Abulhuas, to be his Prefect and Naib in Almeria , where he governed the state with much prudence ; being greatly beloved by his people : Abulhuas Maur soon established himself in an in dependent sovereignty , which he held during his whole life time, ruliug his domains with infinite wisdom and with much consideration for all parties.


CHAPTER III
OF THE DEATH OF GEHWAR, KING OF CORDOVA; AND SUCCESSION OF HIS SON, MUHAMAD BEN GEHWAR, AND OF THE CONTINUANCE OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE MOSLEMA: CHIEFTAINS

A.D. 1056-58

When Edris had been some short time in Africa, the Albarguetine Sclavonians, Razikala and Sekan, who had been governors of Cebta and Tangier, did their utmost to cause him new disquietudes; but the people, who abhorred those rulers for their covetousness, cruelty, and oppression, were far from taking part in their projects : instead of favouring their intentions, they betrayed them publicly, and accusing them before the king, even Edris, they said to him, “Muley, these Sclavonians who accompany and surround thee are traitors, who pretend to be serving thee, but are in truth of a false and disloyal heart; they are con triving thy downfall, and have formed conspiracies against thy life, but do thou suffer us to reward them as their perfidy merits.”


CHAPTER VII
THE KING OF TOLEDO TAKES CORDOVA AND SEVILLE HE DIES IN THE LAST NAMED CITY AFTER IT HAS BEEN DELIVERED BY ABEN ABED

1079 A.D.

Now Murcia was well defended by Abderahman Ben Taher, the son of that illustrious Wali, Abu Becar Muhumad Ben Taher, Governor of the land of Tadmir, which he had maintained in justice, peace, and tranquillity through all the troubles of the Civil War, remaining contentedly under the shelter and protection of Zohair the Sclavonian, and never aspiring to the sovereignty, or desiring any other title than that of Muthalim , or the Reconciler of Differences, although his great riches and numerous partizans might have supplied him with abundantly sufficient means and opportunities for exalting himself to independent empire, had he been disposed to make the attempt. This excellent ruler had lived to the age of ninety, and after his death, which took place in the year 457, his son Abderahman continued to govern the country with a moderation in all respects equal to that exhibited by his father .

1086 A.D. 

The brave Abu Yahye Zabaria being thus slain in battle by those of the Cabila of Gudala, the Xeque Abdallah, by his sovereign authority, elected and named Ameer, a brother of the dead chief, called Abu Bekir son of Omar, who was the son of Tarkit ,of the tribe of Zanhaga, and of the ancient blood of Zohair, who was very well received by the people of Lamtuna, from whom he received the oath of allegiance, as he did also from those of Sigilmesa and Dara. The new Ameer Abu Bekir then passed on towards the district of Masamuda, which is on the opposite declivities of the mountains of Daren: there he chose the lands of Agmat, Cilana, and Ezinira , as a commodious abiding -place for his people ; who sat themselves down there in the year of the Hegira 450 [1058].

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July 26, 2020

Capitulare de causis diversis (of the year 807)

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Here is a capitulary, or rather a portion thereof, issued by Charlemagne in 807 under the name de causis diversis (“on various things”):

Chapter 2

“If it shall be necessary to furnish aid against the Saracens of Spain or the Avars, then five of the Saxons shall equip a sixth; and if it shall be necessary to bear aid against the Bohemians two shall equip a third; if, indeed, there is need of defending the native country against the Sorbs, then all shall come together.”

Latin

“Si partibus Hispaniae sive Avariae solatium ferre fuerit necesse praebendi, tunc de Saxonibus quinque sextum praeparare faciant; et si partibus Beheim fuerit necesse solatium ferre, duo tercium praeparent; si vero circa Surabis [or Sorabis] patria defendenda necessitas fuerit, tunc omnes generaliter veniant.”

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July 16, 2020

Solawas

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Keeping with the themes from the prior article, note that the “Scientific Magazine of the Ossoliński Public Library” (Czasopism Naukowy Księgozbioru Publicznego imienia Ossolińskich) has the following statement in an article by the priest Franciszek Siarczyński from the magazine’s inaugural issue in 1828 “An Essay As to Whether Suavs or Suovs the Proper Name [of the Suavs] Is and Which Such Name Should Be In Use.” (roughly translated) (Rozprawa, czyli Sławianie lub Słowianie zwać się i mówić właściwie maią):

“There is the following idea of how the name of Suavs arose: A foreign traveler asked a Suav who he was? The man answered ‘człowiek’ [a “man”]. The foreigner thought he heard Suoviek or Suovak, and this answer provided the name for the whole nation. Others derive the name from the town Skuova on the Dnieper [Šklov/Shkloŭ/Шклоў in today’s Belarus]; others from the river Łaba, that is Elbe, also called Selawa.”

Now, Elbe may or not have been called Selawa but the Thuringian Saale certainly has been and continues to be called Solawa/Solava/Soława by the Sorbs. Of course, this region is also where the ancient writers thought the river Suevus flowed which also gave its name to the Suevi (or vice versa). Sałowa, Salówka and similar names also appear in other areas. An interesting question is whether some or all these names have something to do with zalewa, that is, [the river] that floods. (For Suevi as Uebi (from Łaba), see here, of course, łeb also means “head”).

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July 1, 2020

Jasiels, Jasieńs, Jasions Gallore

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We have talked about the various Iasions throughout Polish history and their connections to antiquity. But what about geography? As mentioned there may be an occasional Piorunowo, Strzybogi or even Swarozyn. Are these town names former worship places? Maybe or maybe not. But what about Jasion? A quick search of the map reveals a huge number of Jasion and related names that dwarfs any of the above. Are these all places owned by a “Jan” or places where the ash tree (jesion) grew aplenty? Or is there a more mystical reason for this topography?

These names along with few (I did not do a review outside of Poland) from Ukraine and Germany are on the map below (in red). The mountain peaks are also listed (in green)

There are also rivers and lakes (in blue) though I only included a few of those items in the list below.

All of this is far from complete and there are many more similar names if you are willing to spend time pouring over the map. 

Towns

  • Jasiel – near Slovakian border
  • Jasienica – (German Jasenitz, then Jasienice) part of Police, a town in Pomerania
    • site of the Jasenitz abbey
    • first mentioned: 1260 but village likely founded much earlier
    • Nowa Jasienica – a village next to Jasienica (Police)
  • Jasienica – a village in the administrative district of gmina Ziebice, within Zabkowice Slaskie County, Lower Silesian Voivodeship (south-west) (German Heinzendorf since?)
  • Jasienica – a village in the administrative district of gmina Dubienka, within Chelm County, Lublin Voivodeship (east)Jasienica – a village and seat of gmina Jasienica, Bielsko County, Silesian Voivodelship (south)
    • first mentioned circa 1305 in Liber foundations episcopates Vratislaviensis as “item in Gessenita decent ease XI) mansi solubiles” (German Heinzendorf, Czech Jasenice)
  • Jasienica – a village in the administrative district of gmina Myslenice, within Myslenice County, Lesser Poland Voivodeship (south)
    • after 1335, probably named after the river Jasieniczanka that flows through the village
  • Jasienica – a village in the administrative district of gmina Łoniów, within Sandomierz County, Swietokrzyskie Voivodeship, (south-central)
  • Jasienica – a village in the administrative district of gmina Ostrow Mazowiecka, within Ostrow Mazowiecka County, Masovian Woivodeship (east-central)
    • also nearby Jasienica-Parcele
  • Jasienica – a village in the administrative district of gmina Tłuszcz, within Wolomin County, Masovian Voivodeship (east-central)
    • first mentioned: in 1414
    • names used: Jassenicza, Jassyenyecz, Jassyenicza, Jaszenicza, Jaszenecz, Jasiennica, Jasszenicza, Jassyeniecz, Jaschenyecz, Jasyenyecz, Jassenycza, Jaschyenycze, Jasyenycza, Yassyennycza (Slownik historyczno-geograficzny ziem polskich w sredniowieczu)
  • Jasienica (German Jessnitz) – a village in the administrative district of gmina Brody, within Żary County, Lubusz Voivodeship (western)
    • first mentioned: in 1452 as Jessenitz
  • Jasienica Rosielna – a village in Brzozow County, Subcarpathian Voivodeship (south-east)
    • was called just Jasienica and was a town as early as 1727
  • Jasienica Dolna – a village near near Nysa
  • Jasienica Gorna – a village near near Nysa on the Czech border
  • Jasienica Sufczynska – a village near near Przemysl
  • Jasienie (Geman Jaschine but the obvious Suavic name made the Nazis change it to Eschenwalde – which just means ash forest)
    • first mentioned: in the Liber foundations episcopates Vratislaviensis as “Cossine solvitur decima more polonico”  “combined with “Lippe Cossine
  • Jasienna – village in the administrative district of gmina Korzenna within Nowy Sacz County, Lesser Poland Voivodeship (south)
    • first mentioned: in 1372
  • Jasiennik Stary – southwest of Biłgoraj
  • Jasień (Cashubian Nënczi or Nënkòwë, German Nenkau) – an administrative part of Gdańsk; previously a separate village;
    • previously Nenkowe village which, however, was then acquired by a certain Jasiński a judge who bought the village in 1704
  • Jasień (German: Lichtenbach) – a village in the administrative district of gmina Tłuchowo, within Lipno County, Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship (north-central)
  • Jasień (German: Gassen) – a town in Poland, within Żary County, Lubusz Voivodeship (west)
    • gmina seat
  • Jasień (German: Jassen; Kashubian Jaséń) – a village in the administrative district of gmina Czarna Dąbrówka, within Bytów County, Pomeranian Voivodeship (northern)
    • lies on Lake Jasień
  • Jasień – a village in the administrative district of gmina Rogów, within Brzeziny County, Łódź Voivodeship (central)
  • Jasień – a village in the administrative district of gmina Kobiele Wielkie, within Radomsko County, Łódź Voivodeship (central)
    • next to Jasień state park
  • Jasień – a village in the administrative district of gmina Głuchów, within Skierniewice County, Łódź Voivodeship (central)
    • near Rawa Mazowiecka
  • Jasień  is a village in the administrative district of gmina Lubochnia, within Tomaszów Mazowiecki County, Łódź Voivodeship (central)
    • nearby also Nowy Jasień
  • Jasień – a village in the administrative district of gmina Osjaków, within Wieluń County, Łódź Voivodeship (central)
  • Jasień – a village in the administrative district of gmina Brzesko, within Brzesko County, Lesser Poland Voivodeship (southern)
  • Jasień – a village in the administrative district of gmina Chmielnik, within Kielce County, Świętokrzyskie Voivodeship (south-central)
  • Jasień – a village in the administrative district of gmina Łopuszno, within Kielce County, Świętokrzyskie Voivodeship (south-central)
  • Jasień – is a village in the administrative district of gmina Staszów, within Staszów County, Świętokrzyskie Voivodeship (south-central)
  • Jasień – a village in the administrative district of gmina Repki, within Sokołów County, Masovian Voivodeship (east-central)
  • Jasień (German: Jasin) – a village in the administrative district of gmina Czempiń, within Kościan County, Greater Poland Voivodeship (west-central)
  • Jasień – a hamlet part of the village Czarna Sędziszowska in the administrative district of gmina Sędziszów Małopolski, within Ropczyce-Sędziszów County, Subcarpathian Voivodeship (south-eastern)
    • also nearby Mały Jasień
  • Jasień – a part of the town Ustrzyki Dolne
  • Jasieniec – a town and a gmina seat near Grojec
  • Jasieniec Iłżecki Górny – between Ostrowiec and Radom
    • Jasieniec Iłżecki Dolny
    • Nowy Jasieniec Iłżecki
    • Jasieniec Nowy
    • Gajówka Jasieniec
    • Jasieniec-Maziarze
  • Jasieniec Solecki – a village near near Zwoleń
    • Jasieniec Kolonia
  • Jasion – a village in the administrative district of gmina Żarnów, within Opoczno County, Łódź Voivodeship (central)
  • Jasionka – a village in the administrative district of gmina Trzebownisko, within Rzeszów County, Subcarpathian Voivodeship (southeast)
  • Jasionka – a part of the village Krzywa in the administrative district of gmina Sękowa, within Gorlice County, Lesser Poland Voivodeship (south)
  • Jasionka – a village in the administrative district of gmina Zgierz, within Zgierz County, Łódź Voivodeship (central)
    • first mentioned: 1396
  • Jasionka – a village in the administrative district of gmina Parczew, within Parczew County, Lublin Voivodeship (eastern)
    • first mentioned: 19th century
  • Jasionka – a village in the administrative district of gmina Zbuczyn, within Siedlce County, Masovian Voivodeship (east central)
  • Jasionka (German: Jassonke and Neu Jassonke) – settlement in the administrative district of gmina Kołczygłowy, within Bytów County, Pomeranian Voivodeship (north)
    • first mentioned: at least 1749
    • nearby also Nowa Jasionka
  • Jasionka (Ukrainian: Ясінка, Yasinka) – a village in the administrative district of gmina Dukla, within Krosno County, Subcarpathian Voivodeship (southeast)
    • first mentioned: 14th century
    • other: through the village runs the river Jasionka a tributary of Jasiołka.
  • Jasionka – a part of the village Skórka in the administrative district of gmina Parzęczew, within Zgierz County, Łódź Voivodeship (central)
  • Jasionka – a part of the village Blizne in the administrative district of gmina Jasienica Rosielna, within Brzozów County, Subcarpathian Voivodeship (southeast)
  • Jasionka – a part of the village Krzątka in the administrative district of gmina Majdan Królewski, Kolbuszowa County, Subcarpathian Voivodeship (southeast)
  • Jasionka –  a part of the village Krzewata in the administrative district of gmina Olszówka, Koło County, Greater Poland Voivodeship (west-central)
  • Jasionna – a village in the administrative district of gmina Piątek, within Łęczyca County, Łódź Voivodeship (central)
  • Jasionna – a village in the administrative district of gmina Błaszki, within Sieradz County, Łódź Voivodeship (central)
  • Jasionna – a village in the administrative district of gmina Bolimów, within Skierniewice County, Łódź Voivodeship (central)
  • Jasionna – a village in the administrative district of gmina Głowno, within Zgierz County, Łódź Voivodeship (central)
  • Jasionna – a village in the administrative district of gmina Jędrzejów, within Jędrzejów County, Świętokrzyskie Voivodeship (south-central)
  • Jasionna – a village in the administrative district of gmina Białobrzegi, within Białobrzegi County, Masovian Voivodeship (east-central)
  • Jasionna – a village in the administrative district of gmina Wronki, within Szamotuły County, Greater Poland Voivodeship (west-central)
  • Jasionna (German: Jessen) – a village in the administrative district of gmina Jasień, within Żary County, Lubusz Voivodeship (western)
  • Jasionno – a village near near Elblag
  • Jasionowo – a village in the administrative district of gmina Lipsk, within Augustów County, Podlaskie Voivodeship (north-eastern)
  • Jasionowo – a village in the administrative district of gmina Rutka-Tartak, within Suwałki County, Podlaskie Voivodeship (north-eastern)
  • Jasionowo – a village in the administrative district of gmina Szypliszki, within Suwałki County, Podlaskie Voivodeship (north-eastern)
  • Jasionowo – a village in the administrative district of gmina Sztabin, within Suwałki County, Podlaskie Voivodeship (north-eastern)
  • Jasionowo Dębowskie – a village in the administrative district of gmina Sztabin, within Suwałki County, Podlaskie Voivodeship (north-eastern)
  • Jasionów – (Ukrainian: Ясенів, Yaseniv) – a village in the administrative district of gmina Haczów, within Brzozów County, Subcarpathian Voivodeship (south-eastern)
  • Jasionów (German: Jeßmenau) – a village in the administrative district of gmina Trzebiel, within Żary County, Lubusz Voivodeship (western)
  • Jasionów – a part of the village Huta Poręby in the administrative district of gmina Nozdrzec, within Brzozów County, Subcarpathian Voivodeship (southeast)
  • Jasionów – a hamlet of the village Olszówka in the administrative district of gmina Mszana Dolna, within Limanowa County, Lesser Poland Voivodeship (south)
  • Jasło – (German: Jassel) – a county seat in the Subcarpathian Voivodeship (southeast)
  • Jastew – a village in the administrative district of gmina Dębno, within Brzesko County, Lesser Poland Voivodeship (southern)
  • Jaświły – a village in Mońki County, Podlaskie Voivodeship (north-east)
    • it is the seat of the gmina Jaświły
  • Jesienicha – a settlement in the administrative district of gmina Czarna Białostocka, within Białystok County, Podlaskie Voivodeship (north-eastern)
  • Jesiona – a village  in the administrative district of gmina Kolsko, within Nowa Sól County, Lubusz Voivodeship (western
  • Jesionka – a part of the village Jesiona in the administrative district of gmina Kolsko, within Nowa Sól County, Lubusz Voivodeship (western)
  • Jesionka – a part of the village Szczecin in the administrative district of gmina Dmosin, within Brzezin County, Łódź Voivodeship (central)
  • Jesionka – a colony in the administrative district of gmina Ciechocin, within Golub-Dobrzyń County, Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship (north-central)
  • Jesionka – a hamlet part of the village Nowa Wieś Szlachecka in the administrative district of gmina Czernichów within Kraków County, Lesser Poland Voivodeship (south)
  • Jesionka – a village in the administrative district of gmina Szczawin Kościelny, within Gostynin County, Masovian Voivodeship (east-central)
  • Jesionka – a village in the administrative district of gmina Baboszewo, within Płońsk County, Masovian Voivodeship (east-central)
  • Jesionka – a village in the administrative district of gmina Wiskitki, within Żyrardów County, Masovian Voivodeship (east-central)
  • Jesionka – a village in the administrative district of gmina Czosnów, within Nowy Dwór Mazowiecki County, Masovian Voivodeship (east-central)
  • Jesionka –  a village in the administrative district of gmina Sompolno, within Konin County, Greater Poland Voivodeship (west-central)
  • Jesionka –  a part of the village Sołtysy in the administrative district of gmina Praszka, within Olesno County, Opole Voivodeship (south-western)
  • Jesionka – a settlement in the administrative district of gmina Czerwionka-Leszczyny, within Rybnik County, Silesian Voivodeship (south)
  • Jesionna – a village in the administrative district of gmina Wodzierady, within Łask County, Łódź Voivodeship (central)

Mountain Peaks

(not shown on map)

  • Jasiennik – peak near Lubomierz in Beskid Sadecki
  • Jasiennik – peak at Przysietnica in Beskid Sadecki

Rivers/Streams/Lakes

(not shown on map except Lake Jasień)

  • Jasienica – a tributary of Ilownica
  • Jasienica – a tributary of Klodnica
  • Jasienica – a tributary of Wirowa
  • Jasienica – a tributary of Gunica
  • Jasienica – a tributary of Rega
  • Jasienica – a tributary of Grabowa
  • Jasienica – a tributary of Wieprza
  • Jasieniczanka – a small river flowing through Jasienica, a village in the administrative district of gmina Myslenice
  • Jasień – a river in the Polish city Łódź; a tributary of Ner 
  • Jasień  (Cashubian Jezero Jaséńsczé, German Jassener See) – a lake in the Bytów Lake District (Pojezierze Bytowskie, Cashubian, Bëtowsczé Pòjezerzé)
    • Bytów is the bigger town there (Cashubian, Bëtowò, German Bütow); its name may come (or vice versa) from the river Bytowa (Bytówka, Cashubian Bëtowa) 
    • a part of the Słupia Valley Landscape Park
  • Jasiołka – a river in SE Poland; a tributary of Wisłoka
  • Jasionka – a tributary of Jasiołka

Outside Poland

(these are just some examples – for a great list of all of these see the Allgemeines geographisch-statistisches Lexikon aller Laender, volume 3 pages 469-478, 486-487 (Ja-) and pages 506-514 (Je-))

Towns/Geographic Features

  • Jasionów – a village in the Brod region near Lviv, Ukraine
  • Jasienica Zamkowa – near Lviv, Ukraine
  • Jasenegg – a village in Austria
  • Jessen – a town in East Germany
  • Jasnitz – a town East Germany
  • Jassmund – Rugia, Germany
  • Jestetten – a town in Germany
  • Jesenwang – a village in Germany
  • Jesen – a village in Slovenia
  • Jesenice – a village in Slovenia
  • Jesenice – a village in the Czech Republic
  • Jesenik – a village in the Czech Republic
  • Jesenec – a village in the Czech Republic
  • Jesenské – a village in Slovakia
  • Jasenica – a village in Slovakia
  • Jasenie – a village in Slovakia
  • Jasenov – a village in Slovakia
  • Jasenovo – a village in Serbia
  • Jasenice – a village in Croatia
  • Jasenovac – a village in Croatia
  • Jasenovac – a village in Bosnia Herzegovina
  • Iesi – a town in Italy (hence the Codex Aesinas)
  • Jesolo – a part of Venice

Mountain Peaks

  • Jeseníky (Polish Jesioniki, German, Gesenke) – a mountain range of Eastern Sudetes in northern Moravia, Czech Silesia and partly in Poland.
    • the two main subranges are the Hrubý Jeseník and the Nízký Jeseník
    • Hrubý Jeseník – a mountain range of Eastern Sudetes in northern Moravia and Czech Silesia; the second highest mountain range in the Czech Republic
      • site of such sights as the Devil Stones (Čertovy kameny) and Peter’s Stones (Petrovy kameny)
      • its highest peak is the “Ur-Father” (literally Ur-Old Man or Praděd)  and other peaks include the Great Father (Velký Děd or Great Old Man) and Little Father (Malý Děd or Little Old Man) as well as the Velký Jezerník and Malý Jezerník
      • Velký Jezerník – a peak in the Hrubý Jeseník range
      • Malý Jezerník – a peak in the Hrubý Jeseník range
    • Nízký Jeseník – a peak in the Czech republic on the Polish border
  • Jesza – a mountain in Slovenia

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November 27, 2019

The Chronicle of Moissac

Published Post author

The Chronicle of Moissac (Chronicon Moissiacense) is an anonymous compilation discovered in the abbey of Saint Pierre at Moissac. It was probably created in the first half of the 9th century. Its pieces can be put together from the primary manuscript in the National Library at Paris as well as from certain other manuscripts (for example the Chronicon Anianense). An incomplete text was published by Pertz for the MGH. A more complete version was added onto the Subsidia Anianensia, a dissertation by Walter Kettemann from the year 2000. In 2012, a study of the Chronicle was published in another dissertation or thesis by David Claszen.

Here is Claszen’s description of the Chronicle: “The Chronicon Moissiacense is mainly interesting because of its highly composite nature; it expands on an older, 8th century text that records history up to the year 741 and is a composition of ancient as well as early medieval authors. Bede’s 66th chapter of De Temporum Ratione forms the spine of the chronicle, but this text is heavily interpolated with fragments from Flavius Josephus, Eusebius, Jerome, Orosius, Fredegar, the Liber Historiae Francorum, and other sources. The Chronicon Moissiacense presents a continuation of this text up to the year 818, drawing on other sources such as the Annales Laureshamenses, multiple minor annals, and a ‘southern source’ believed to be lost today. The text attempts to connect Roman with Merovingian and Carolingian history in various ways, such as through the inclusion of a shared Trojan heritage, but also through a reworking of the chronology.”

The above description is, of course, accurate though there are interesting Suavic connections that hide thereunder. For example, under the year 805 we have, perhaps, the first attestation of the name Czechs (the more likely first attestation comes from the Annales Tilliani under the same year 805 (In terram Sclavorum qui vocantur Cinu which should have been Cihu).

Both the Kettemann and Claszen works are available online.

An English description (though not a translation) of some of the Suav related passages of the Chronicle can be found in Sébastien Rossignol’s “The Entry of Early Medieval Slavs into World History – The Chronicle of Moissac” (a chapter of “The Medieval Networks in East Central Europe: Commerce, Contacts, Communication” with Balazs Nagy, András Vadas and Felicitas Schmieder as editors).

The Suavic mentions in the text below come from the Claszen dissertation. Some though not all of the notes are also Claszen’s. Claszen used the following key which I retain:

AA BN lat. 5941 (Chronicon Anianense).
B Besançon, bibl. mun. 186.
Br Brussels, KBR, 17349-60.
Duch. Rome, BAV, MS Reg. Lat. 213, fols. 149-151. (Duchesne Fragment) Vienna, ÖNB, lat. 515. (Vienna Fragment)
FrV Mu Munich, BSB Clm 246.
P Paris, BN lat. 4886 (Chronicon Moissiacense).
S Leiden, Scaliger 28.
StP Sankt Paul, Stiftsarchiv, cod. 8/1.
AL Annales Laureshamenses

Here are the Suavic fragments of the Chronicle of Moissac.

Saint Pierre Abbey at Moissac


632 or 633

“In the tenth year of the reign of Dagobert it was reported that an army of Wends entered from Thuringia; he advances with the army of the kingdom of Austrasia towards the town of Metz, advances towards Mainz and orders the crossing of the Rhine. The Saxons sending ambassadors to Dagobert, ask for their tribute, [which they pay to the treasury], to be waived. The [Saxons] promised to oppose the Wends if the Franks limit the tribute from those lands. To this Dagobert agrees. All of these taxes, which the Saxons used to pay in the form of 500 cows per year, as ascertained by Clothar the Old [497-561], were thus lifted.” 

“Anno X regni Dagoberti, cum ei nunciatum fuisset exercitum Winidorum Toringa fuisse ingressum, cum exercitu de regno Austrasiorum de Mettis urbae promovens, Mogontiam adgreditur, disponens Renum transire. Saxones missos ad Dagobertum dirigunt, petentes ut eis tributa, quas fisci dicionibus dissolvebant, indulgeret Winidos resistere spondent et Francorum limite de illis partibus custodire promitunt. Quod Dagobertus prestitit. Exinde iam Saxones tributa, quae reddere consueverant, per preceptione Dagoberti habent indultum, quingentas vaccas inferendales annis singulis, a Clotrio[g] seniore censiti, solvebant.”


779 or 780

“And in the following year, he brought together a great host, entered again into Saxony and reached even as the great river Łaba [Elbe]. And the Saxons delivered themselves to him and he accepted hostages both nobles and commoners [?] and he divided their country among bishops, presbyters and abbots and they preached and baptized there. And in fact many Wendish and Frisian pagans were [also] baptized. Then he departed for Italy leaving his sons Pippin and Charles in Worms.”

“Et in sequenti anno, congregans exercitum magnum, ingressus est iterum in Saxonia et pervenit usque ad flumen magnum Heilba et Saxones tradiderunt se illi omnes, et accepit obsides tam ingenuos quam et lidos et divisit ipsam patriam inter episcopos et presbyteros et abbates, ut in ea babtizarent et predicarent. Nec non et Winidorum seu et Fresonum paganorum magna multitudo baptizata est. Inde revertens, habiit in Italia et dereliquid filios suos in Wormacia, Pipinum et Karolum.”


789

“And in the following year, King Charles [Charlemagne] went through Saxony to the Calssclavos [Suavs] who are known as Vulti [Wiltzi] and the kings of these lands with their king Tranguito [Dragovit] to meet him, and they asked for peace, delivering all their lands to his sovereignty, and they themselves were delivered [submitted or, perhaps, in the sense of being delivered into God’s Grace]. The king [then] returned to Francia.”

“…Tunc iudicaverunt eum morti dignum. Rex autem, misericordia motus, noluit eum occidere, sed cum ipsius peticionem clericum eum fecit et retrusit in monasterio. Et perrexit rex in Baguaria ad Raganesburg et ibi venerunt ad eum Baguarii et dati sunt ei obsides et ordinata ipsa patria, reversus est in Francia. Et in sequenti anno, Karolus rex per Saxonia pervenit usque ad Calssclavos, [qui]* dicuntur Vulti** et venerunt reges terrae illius cum rege eorum Tranguito*** ei obviam, et petita pace, tradiderunt terras illas universas sub dominatione eius, et se ipsis traditi sunt. Rex reversus est in Francia. Obiit beatae memoriae Vulcadus, episcopus et doctor verbi Dei, VI idus Novembris in aquilonis partibus Saxoniae. Tres patricii ex Constantinopolim cum classe navium venerunt Italia, ut eam ad dicionem Grecorum revocarent, quos Langobardi cum misso Karoli regis debellati sunt. Et in alio anno habuit rex conventum in Wormacia, non tamen Magiscampum. Et ipso anno transiit sine hostae.”

* originally written here was possibly ‘qui’, and afterwards lost by a hole in the folio; ‘Sclavos’ in AL (Saint Lorsch Annals) corrected from ‘Sclavus’; ‘Sclavos qui’ in StP (Sankt Paul, Stiftsarchiv, cod. 8/1.), corrected ‘l’ added above.
** AA (BN lat. 5941.) says ‘qui dicuntur vulzi propie vero id est sua locucione welatabi dicuntur’ (‘that are called Wiltzes though in their language Velatabi [Veleti]’).
*** AA (BN lat. 5941.) has ‘tranvito’; StP (Sankt Paul, Stiftsarchiv, cod. 8/1.) has ‘traguuito’.


795(?)

“And they [Saxons] all came to him, with the exception of those whom I’ve already mentioned above and those that live on the other side of the Łaba [Elbe], those who killed the king’s vassal, Wizizin* – the king of the Obotrites. Therefore, they did not believe they were in his grace….”

* Wiltzan or Witzlaus or Vilčan of Obotrites, leader of the Obotrites (747-795).

“Sed et tunc omnes ad eum venientes, excepto his, quos iam supra comemoravimus et hii, qui trans Albia erant, ipsi ad eum pleniter adhuc non venerunt, eo quod vassum domni regis Wizizin, regem Abotrizarum, occiderunt. Ideo non credebant, quod in gracia eius pervenire potuissent. Caeteri autem omnes pacifici venerunt et iussonem suam promitentes implere. Et ita domnus rex, iterum credens eis, nullam voluntatem interficiens, fidem suam servando. Tunc ad Aquis palatio de terra Avarorum regulus quidam, nomine Todanus, ad domnum regem veniens, cum comitibus suis, quae domnus rex honorifice suscepit et baptizare iussit et eos, qui cum eo venerunt, cum magna honore et donis eum remeare fecit ad propria. Et in eo anno a parte Avarorum venerunt thesauri, magna multitudo, pro quibus domnus rex omnipotenti regi gracias agens, et distribuit ipsum thesaurum inter aecclesias et episcopos, seu abbates et comites. Nec non et universos fideles suos de eodem thesauro mirifice honoravit. Et in ipso hieme, id est VIII Kalendas Ianuarii, sanctae memoriae domnus Adrianus, sumus pontifex Romanus obiit, pro quem domnus rex, piissimus Karolus, orationes per universum christianum populum infra terminos suos fieri rogavit et elemosina sua pro eo multipliciter transmisit. Et epitafium, aureis literis in marmore conscriptum, iussit in Francia fieri ut eum partibus Romae transmiteret, ad sepulturam summi pontificis, Adriani papae.”


798

“The year 798… And in the meantime, our Suavs who are called Obotrites,* came together with the king’s ambassadors to those Saxons and had victory in a battle over those weakings. There fell in this battle 2,801 Saxons…”

* Under Thrasco, Drażko or Drożko (ruled circa 795-808).

Anno DCCXCVIII. Ipso anno fuit rex Karolus in Saxonia et apud Aristallio Novo ipsum hiemem ibi resedit et ibi celebravit pascha. Quem locum, ut nos audivimus, ipse rex ita appellavit, quia ab hostae ipso, ipse mansiones in qua habitabant, constructae sunt. Et in ipso aestatae pervenit cum exercito suo ad Bardunwico et illi omnes se tradirunt in manus eius et tulit inde illos capitanios, quos voluit, et obsidibus, quantum ei voluntas fuit. Et interim congregati sunt Sclavi nostri, qui dicuntur Abotridi*, cium missis domni regis ad illos Saxones** congregaverunt*** se in unum et comiserunt proelium et habuerunt victoriam. Et ceciderunt in ipso die Saxones in ipsa pugna duo milia DCCCI. Et in Toringas ibi pervenerunt aliqui ad regem et honoravit eos rex, ut digni erant, mirifice. Et inde rex remeavit in Francia et de ipsos Saxones tulit secum quos voluit. Et ipse pervenit ad Aquis palatio et ibi gemavit.”

* ‘Abodriti’ AA.
** in AA ‘ex parte Saxonum’ instead of ‘in ipsa pugna.’
*** 
congregaverunt – ‘voluit’ not StP, FrV, instead: ‘tamen fides christianorum et domni regis adiuvavit eos et habuerunt iuctoriam’ (‘victoriam’ FrV) ‘super saxones et ceciderunt de ipsis saxonis ante eos in ipsa pugna duo milia DCCCI et in north thuringas ibi perveneunt ipsi sclavi ad domnum regem et honoravit eos domnus rex ut digni erant mirifice et inde domnus rex remeavit ad francia et de ipsis saxonis tulit secum quos voluit et quos noluit’ (‘voluit’ FrV) ‘dimisit’; ‘congregaveruntque’ AA.


804

“In the year 804, Charles [Charlemagne] the Emperor of the Franks pushed forth with a great army of the Franks passed through Saxony and stayed beyond the river Alara* at a place called Oldonastath.** There came to him the king of the Obotrites by the name Irosuc*** and brought him many gifts…”

* The river Aller, a tributary of the Weser, Germany.
** Hollenstedt, a municipality in Lower Saxony, Germany
*** Thrasco, Drażko or Drożko (ruled circa 795-808).

“Anno DCCCIIII, aestatis tempore, Karolus imperator movit exercitum magnum Francorum et perexit in Saxonia et habiit ultra Alaram ad locum, qui vocatur Oldonastath. Et venit ad eum ibi rex Abotritorum, nomine Irosuc et detulit ei munera multa. Et inde transmisit imperator sacras suas in Wimodia, et in Hostingabi, et in Rosogabi* et ut illa ingentem foras patriam transduceret. Nec non et illos Saxones, qui ultra Albia erant, transduxit foras et divisit eos in regnum suum, ubi voluit. Et postea, cum magno gaudio ipse imperator remeavit in Francia et pervenit ad Aquis palatium, sedem regiam, ibique hiemavit atque celebravit pascha.”

* Hostingabi is “Ostingabi, Ostegau; Gau around the river Oste, in Lower Saxony, Germany”; Rosogabi is “Gau between the Weser and Elbe. Kettemann, Subsidia Anianensia. Vol. 2, 106.”


805

“In the year 805, Charles the Emperor sent his son, Charles the King, with a great army to the Beowinidi* and another army with Audulf and Werinar, that is the Bavarians. The third crossed with the Saxons over Werin fields and the land of the Dalaminzi and there they fought a battle against their king, Semela** and defeated him. And he gave two of his sons [as hostages] as a token of his loyalty. And the three armies went together over the Erzgebirge and went to the river that is called Ohře [Eger] and then went towards Canburg which they razed and burned down the countryside on that part of the Łaba [Elbe] and on the other side of Łaba [Elbe].  And thereafter, with victory, King Charles returned to his father in Francia.  The fourth part of the army [together] with ships left the Łaba [Elbe] [region] and went to Magdeburg and there they ravaged the region of Genewana. Thereafter, they returned to the fatherland.”

* The Bohemians – this entry from the year 805 is, arguably, the first ever mention of Czechs. As you can see below the name given is ad Beuwidines. This has been variously read as super Windones or ad euhuvidines but also as Cichu-Windones. This last reading would, of course, be the first historically attested mention of the Czechs. The AA reads a Beuhuvidines which suggests Bohemians.
** Semela – Semil, Semiu or Siemił.

“Anno DCCCV. Karolus imperator misit filium suum, Karolum regem, cum exercito magno ad Beuwidines* et alium exercitum cum Audulfo et Werinario, id est cum Baguarios. Tercium vero transmisit cum Saxonibus super Werinofelda** et Demelcion*** et ibi pugnaverunt contra regem eorum, nomen Semela et vincebant eum. Et ille dedit duos filios eius pro fidelitatae. Et tunc perrexerunt super Fergunna**** et venerunt ad fluvium, qui vocatur Agara,***** illi tres hostes insimul, et inde venerunt ad Canburg, qui et illum occiderunt et vastaverunt regionem illam in circuitu, in ista parte Albiae et ultra Albiae. Et postea, cum victoriam, reversus est Karolus rex ad patrem suum in Francia. Quartus vero exercitus, cum navibus perrexit in Albia et pervenit usque ad Magedoburg et ibi vastaverunt regionem Genewana. Postea reversi sunt in patriam.”

* AA ‘a Beuhuvidines’;
** Hwerenofelda – east of the Soława [Saale].

*** Demelcion, the Dalaminzi area of the Głomacze or Dolomici or Dalemińcy, Polabian Slavs living near the middle Łaba [Elbe]. See also Kettemann, Subsidia Anianensia. Vol. 2, 107.
**** The Ore Mountains, Erzgebirge, in Saxony, Germany, and Bohemia.
***** The Ohře, or Eger in German, a tributary of the Łaba [Elbe].


806

“The year 806. Charles the Emperor Charles [Charlemagne] celebrated Eastern at Nijmegen and sent his son King Charles to Thuringia to a place that is called Waladala* and there he had his host muster. And from there he sent his armies over the Łaba [Elbe]. He himself came over the Soława [Saale] into the Guerena field. And there it was that the proud King Milito** who had ruled over the lands of the Sorbs was killed. And then he [Charlemagne] turned back to Łaba [Elbe] and he ravaged those lands and destroyed their burghs. And the other kings of the same [Sorbs] came to him and promised to serve the Lord and the God-Fearing Emperor and they gave hostages in accordance with his will. And these King Charles ordered to build two burghs, one north of the Łaba [Elbe] opposite from Magdeburg and the other East of the Soława [Saale] at a place that is called Halle. After that he returned to his father. In these days the deacon Albin shone in France

* Waldau. Potentially connected with Veleda.
** Miliduh or Miłyduch.

“Anno DCCCVI. Karolus imperator celebravit pascha ad Neumaga et misit filium suum, Karolum regem, super Duringa ad locum, qui vocatur Waladala*, ibique habuit conventum suum. Et inde misit sacras suas ultra Albia. Ipse vero movit exercitum suum ultra Sala, super Guerenaveldo. Et tunc fuit interfectus Milito,** rex superbus, qui regnabit in Siurbis. Et postea remeavit Albiam et vastavit regiones illas et civitates eorum destruit. Et ceteri reges ipsorum venerunt ad eum et promiserunt se servituri domno et pio imperatore tradideruntque obsides, sicut ille volebat. Et mandavit eis rex Karolus hedificare civitates duas. Una in aquilone partem Albiae contra Magadaburg. Alteram vero in orientalem partem Sala*** ad locum, qui vocatur Halla. Deinde reversus est ad patrem suum in Francia. His diebus Albinus diaconus in Francia claruit.”

* AA Walada
** AA Melito
*** AA Sola


808

“The year 808. Charles the Emperor [Charlemagne] sent his son, Charles the King, over Saxony through the Łaba [Elbe] land to those Suavs who are called Linai,* and [he] ravaged a great part of their lands. However, some of our men fell. And Godofred,** king of the Normans went over to those Suavs that are called Abotrici and ravaged a great part of their lands and destroyed some of their cities. And in that place Riginold,*** his nephew, died and many Northmen fell there.”

* Probably the area of Linones aka Linaa (Bavarian Geographer) aka Glinianie.
** Gudfred
*** Ragnvald

“…Anno DCCCVIII. Karolus imperator misit filium suum, Karolum regem, super Saxonia ultra Albia ad illos Sclavos, qui vocantur Linai, et vastavit maximam partem regionis ipsius. Sed et aliqui ex nostra partem ibidem ceciderunt. Et Godofredus, rex Nortmannarum, venit super illos Sclavos, qui dicuntur Abotrici, et vastavit magnam partem regiones eorum et aliquas civitates dextruxit. Et ibidem fuit Riginoldus, nepus eius, qui primus post eum in illo regno fuit, interfectus et multi de populo Nortmannorum ibidem corruerunt.”


809

“The year 809. The saintly Emperor Charles [Charlemagne] was at his palace at Aachen. In that summer he sent three of his armies to the borders and some of the Saxons over the Łaba [Elbe] and with our Wends* they destroyed there the town that is called [by the] Semeldinc** Connoburg.*** And in that year many came from the East and passed into the West. And the Emperor Charles celebrated Easter in his palace at Aachen.”

* In particular the Obotrites. Kettemann, Subsidia Anianensia. Vol. 2, 112.
** Curiously the Semeldinc reference smacks of the earlier king Semela (as in “the people of Semela”) of the Dalaminzi.
*** Connoburg of the Smeldingi. Its precise location is uncertain. Kettemann, Subsidia Anianensia. Vol. 2, 112. It seems to be different than the Canburg mentioned above in the context of the Bohemian campaign of 805.

“Anno DCCCVIIII. Karolus imperator pius sedit apud Aquis palatium. Et in illo estatae misit sacras suas ad marchias et aliqui de illos Saxones venerunt ultra Albiam et fregerunt ibi unam civitatem cum nostris Guinidinis,* quei appellatur Semeldinc** Connoburg**. In illo anno venit mortalitas magna animalium ab oriente et pertransiit usque in occidente. Et celebravit pascha apud Aquis palatium Karolus imperator.”


810

“And Godafred, the king of the Normans, sent his vassals as peace envoys and they deceitfully killed Drosco,* the king of the Obotrites…”

* Thrasco, Drażko or Drożko (ruled circa 795-808).

Et Godafredus, rex Nortmannorum, misit quasi pacifice per insidias vassallum suum ut in dolo Drosocum, regem Abdritorum, occidisset. Quod ita factum fuit. Et occulte, misit piratos cum navibus in Frisia, quae fecerunt ibi magnum damnum de Christiano populo. Et postea ille Godafredus fuit interfectus a suo vassallo et perdidit regnum cum vita. Et Karolus imperator misit sacras suas ad marchas, ubi necesse fuit. Et mandavit civitatem hedificare ultra Albia in loco, qui vocatur Essesveldoburg* et mandavit illis hominibus, qui custodirent civitatem. Deinde reversus est in Francia, ad Aquis, sedem regiam.”

* According to Kettemann, ‘Eisesfeld an der Stör, today Itzehoe’. Kettemann, Subsidia Anianensia. Vol. 2, 114. However, this is not certain and ‘veldo’ may suggest the Wiltzi or Veleti.


811

“The year 811. Charles the Emperor [Charlemagne] sent armies of Franks and Saxons and [other?] enemies to those Suavs that are called Lanai* and Bechelenzi** and they ravaged their lands and built again a castle in the place called Abochi.*** And there was also a killing of many Northmen and Anolo [?] who fell there. In the same year Charles the King died, the son of Charles the Great [Charlemagne], the Emperor.”

* Linones or Linaa (Bavarian Geographer) or Glinianie.
** Bethenici (Bavarian Geographer) or Bytyńcy.
*** Hochbuoki or Höhbeck castle, Lower Saxony, Germany.

“Anno DCCCXI. Misit Karolus imperator exercitum Francorum et Saxonorum et hostem ultra Albia ad illos Sclavos, qui nominantur Lanai et Bechelenzi* et vastaverunt regiones illas et aedificaverunt iterum castello in loco, qui dicitur Abochi. Fuit quoque occisio magna Nortmanorum et Anolo ibi corruit. Eodem anno obiit Karolus rex, filius Karoli magni ymperatoris.”

* Bethenzi AA


812

“The year 812. The Emperor Charles [Charlemagne] sent three armies to those Suavs who are called Wilti. One army came with him by the Obotrites and two came to meet him at the border but these Wilti lifted their right hands and gave hostages and promised to give the lands to Charles the Emperor. And then the people went home.”

“Anno DCCCXII. Misit Karolus imperator tres sacras ad illos Sclavos*, qui dicunt Wilti. Unus exercitus venit cum eis super Abotridi** et duo venerunt obviam ei ad illam marcha, sed et illi Wilti dextras dederunt et obsides obtulerunt et promiserunt se dare partibus Karoli imperatoris. Et postea sic reversus est populus ad propria.”

* clavos AA
** Abodoritos (!) AA

Copyright ©2019 jassa.org All Rights Reserved.

September 2, 2019

Positivism

Published Post author

 

The fathers of Polish independence pre-their hipster mustaches

The biggest problem with history teaching in any state is that it is tied to the history of a state. This should not be surprising as each state bureaucracy, particularly ones with little or no ethnic legitimacy, tries to justify its existence. However, in a nation-state such an approach is completely unnecessary. Thus, for example, if you look at the “History of Poland” the very topic is ridiculous. What is Poland? It is either an administrative governance unit – currently part of a so-called European Union (itself an administrative unit tied only to a specific geography) – or it is a nation-state.

In the former case, it is unnecessary – certainly few people would have created a governance unit along the border lines picked for current Polish boundaries (the product of Yalta and the Soviets). That area can certainly be (and has been) sliced up in many different ways – some of them making infinitely more sense than the current set up (for example, why not a country that runs all along the Norther European plain from Holland to Belarus but leaves out the mountains of southern Germany and the Polish Carpathians?).

But in the latter case the history of Poland is only relevant as a history of Poles. Poland existed in many different shapes and forms and sometimes did not exist at all.  The Poland of the Commonwealth time was both a powerhouse and a disease in political form that effectively enslaved the vast majority of its population and that, unsurprisingly, found its doom, falling a victim to democracy understood by its elites (such understanding coming with the generous intellectual underpinning delivered by its neighbors) as a sordid anarchy.

Instead, what matters to the consciousness of its people are the family ties among them – and the history of that family – not the existence, misexistence or nonexistence of a political bureaucracy.  The history of the state Poland should, therefore, be a secondary topic in history teaching in Polish schools – an appendage of the teaching about the Polish nation.  

One might even argue that the existence of a state makes for a competitor (and a jealously monopolistic one at that) in the area of history writing to the local sages and teachers. For example, in the Soviet Union, history was just Marxist nonsense spewed forth to justify the existence of an oppressive and misshapen political unit whereas the teaching of, say, Lithuanian, history was forbidden. 

Šafarik

The state also makes its people lethargic in that they might be inclined to feel that they can outsource history writing to the state’s bureaucracy.  But a lack of a state can have a powerful motivational effect. It should be of little surprise that some of the greatest Slavists – Šafarik, Kętrzyński, the Bogusławskis wrote during times when neither Czechia nor Slovakia nor Poland existed and when their existence was nowhere in sight.  Look also at the Sorbs who haven’t had freedom since the middle of the 10th century and yet, to this day, they persist.  Don’t get me wrong the nation-state is an important product of the existence of each underlying nation – but it should never be forgotten that the state is a product of that specific nation and should not be an end of itself – otherwise the bureaucrats take over the story.

Kętrzyński

In the Polish case, Suavs existed long before the name Poland appeared on any maps and such Suavic Poles persisted despite the appearance, disappearance and reappearance of a Polish state. Poland, therefore, is, in reality, not a state but a people. The same can be said of Czechia, Slovenia, Lithuania and, of course, many others. And if all such people are to find a good and prosperous future, the teaching of history in each such state should be a teaching of a story about a people and their ties – whether that is done by the state or by others. 

Copyright ©2018 jassa.org All Rights Reserved

May 6, 2018

Thietmar Book VII

Published Post author

Here are the “Slavic” excerpts from Thietmar’s Chronicle Book VII in the Warner translation.

Chapter 4 (1014)

After crossing the Alps, the emperor travelled through neighboring regions, exercising his royal prerogatives.  He celebrated the birth of the Lord at Pohlde.  Afterwards, he went to Merseburg, where he revealed to his supporters how things stood with Boleslav’s loyalty and support [April 6, 1015]*.  He asked them to recommend unanimously either that he seek justification or redress…

[*note: these are Gregorian calendar dates – the text obviously contains Julian dates]

Chapter 8 (1014)

… Departing from Alstedt, the emperor spent the birth of the Lord at Pohlde.  On the Wednesday before Easter, he came to Merseburg [April 6], On Maundy Thursday, though unworthy, I consecrated the chrism in his presence. Abbot Redbald of Werden died o nthe vigil of the holy Resurrection, which fell on April 9, and Heidenreich, the monastery’s provost, was lee fed in his place,  On the holy day itself, Archbishop Gero sang the mass.  In the meantime, Ulrich, duke of the Bohemians, had arrived, and we spent solemn days in good spirits.

Chapter 9 (1014)

Meanwhile, Margrave Herman celebrated the feast of Easter with his father-in-law, Boleslav Chrobry.  Immediately thereafter, he went to see the emperor, in the company of Stoignev, one of Boleslav’s emissaries.  His coming had long been awaited by the emperor who was then residing in the West.  This emissary was well acquainted with the art of lying and had been sent by his fickle lord to make trouble, rather than peace, as he pretended.  The emperor commended him to his familiars.  At the same time, he mercifully bestowed his grace upon his brothers-in-law who had asked for it with bare feet. To ensure that the big windbag would see this and accurately inform his lord, he ordered him to appear ahead of time.  Upon his return, however, he reported things quite differently from how the emperor had ordered, and so the wretched duke sent him back, along with the margrave, who still wished to make peace.  In the presence of the emperor and his leading men, Boleslav’s emissary was denounced as a liar and sower of discord.  Then, the emperor again invited Boleslav to justify himself and offer compensation for his disobedience, but the latter refused to come into his presence, and instead asked that the matter be resolved before the leading men.

Chapter 10 (1014)

O reader, observe ho much kindness the emperor showed this man on a previous occasion.  The wily duke of Poland was skilled in a thousand stratagems.  He sent his son Miesco to Ulrich, ruler of the Bohemians, to propose that they make peace, on the basis of their mutual kinship, and thereby offer a unified resistance to all of their enemies, especially the emperor. After trustworthy informants told Ulrich that this plan was intended to work to his detriment, he had Miesco seized and ordered that the most prominent members of his entourage be murdered.  The rest of Miesco’s companions were taken back to Bohemia, along with their captive lord, and imprisoned.  After being informed of these events, the emperor sent my cousin, Dietrich, to demand the return of his retainer and to warn that he should not be harmed, assuming that Ulrich placed any value whatsoever on the emperor’s favour.  Dietrich received the following response: ‘My highest obligation is to obey my lord’s orders in all things, and to do so to the best of my ability and willingly. Despite my unworthiness, Omnipotent God has just seized me from the lion’s mouth and delivered into my hands the lion;s cub, sent with the intention of destroying me.  If I should permit this one to go free, there is no question that both father and son will be my enemies for ever.  If I hold on to him, however, there is a chance that I may obtain some advantage.  Let my lord determine what pleases him in this matter, and what might work to my benefit and I will obediently carry out his every request.’

Chapter 11 (1014)

When Dietrich returned with this message, however, another messenger was, quickly sent back to demand and sternly order Miesco’s release.  In return, he offered the emperor’s promise that all of Ulrich’s concerns would be resolved and a fair peace concluded.  At this, Ulrich had to surrender his captive, whether he wished to or not, and thereby greatly pleased the emperor.  Boleslav was overjoyed at his son;s release and sent messengers who duly expressed his gratitude to the emperor. These messengers also asked the emperor to send Miesco home, an act which would do honor to their lord and confound his enemies.  In return for this boon, they promised appropriate compensation in the future.  The emperor responded that this could not then be done, but promised that the request would be granted, upon the recommendation of his leading men, if Boleslav would come to Merseburg.  The duke receive this message and did no take it very well.  Discreetly ,through emissaries, he repeatedly sought to have his son returned.

Chapter 12 (1014) 

When the emperor came to the agreed upon place, he asked the leading men what he should do in this matter. Among them, Archbishop Gero spoke first:’ When there was time, and when it would have redounded to your honor, you did not listen to what I had to say.  Now, however, Boleslav is exceedingly hostile towards you because of your long custody and imprisonment of his son.  I fear that if you send Miesco back to his father, without hostages or some other surety, neither of them will be inclined to render loyal service in the future.’ The majority of those present agreed with this opinion, but the part which had been bribed complained that no great honour could be gained through such a strategy.  Gold won out over sound advice.  That all of this might be more pleasing to Boleslav, his supporters took custody of Miesco from the emperor and delivered both the son and all of the captives possessions to his father.  After receiving their promised reward, they admonished Boleslav and his son that, being mindful of Christ and their oath to God, they should neither cause the emperor any further harm nor attempt to deceive his supporters.  The two immediately responded to this friendly warning in flattering, flute-like tones which in no way corresponded with their future behaviour.  Despite the fact that they themselves had displayed little or no loyalty, they blamed the emperor and us for having delayed so long before sending MIesco back, though he numbered among our milites.

Chapter 16 (1015)

The emperor went to Goslar for the feast of the birth of Saint John the Baptist which was fast approaching.  While there, he gave Duke Ernst’s duchy [Swabia] to the duke’s cousin and her son. Then, he moved on to Magdeburg where he humbly asked Saint Maurice, Christ’s miles, to help him conquer his obstinate enemy, Boleslav.  After an army had been assembled, the emperor proceeded to a place called Schlenzfurt where he inflicted much damage on the population and their margrave, Gero.  We assembled on July 8, but instead of giving the inhabitants the protection that was their due, we plundered them,  Afterwards, our forces crossed the Elbe.  Meanwhile, I accompanied the empress and her entourage to Merseburg where we awaited the emperor’s return.  When our forces came to a district called Lausitz, they were confronted by troops issuing forth from the burg of Zuetzen.  Accepting the challenge, they killed a great number.  They also captured Erich ‘the Proud’, who had fled our region because of a homicide, and presented him, in chains, to the emperor.

Chapter 17 (1015)

The emperor went to a place called Krossen, on the Oder, where Miesco was sitting with his forces.  He then sent a delegation composed of the leading men of his army, who reminded Miesco of his oath to the emperor and unanimously asked that they might not lose their property on his account, this having been anticipated by his surrender.  He responded to them with the following words: ‘I concede that the emperor rescued me from the power of my enemies and that I promised you my loyalty.  I would willingly fulfill that promise, if I were free.  At present, however as you yourselves know, I am subject to my father’s dominion and he has forbidden this.  Nor would it be permitted by his milites, who are here with me.  Hence, I must reluctantly decline.  To the best of may ability, I will defend this land which belongs to me, but is desired by you.  When my father arrives, I will try to win him over to the emperor’s favour and to friendship with you.’  After hearing this, our representatives returned and relayed Miesco’s response to the emperor.  Meanwhile, Duke Bernhard and his supporters, with bishops, counts, and a band of the heathen Liutizi, moved against Boleslav from the north, and encountered him on theOder which was defended on all sides.

Chapter 18 (1015)

On the feast of the discovery of Christ’s protomartyr, the emperor crossed the Oder and crushed the resistance of the Polish multitude [August 3].  We had no losses, except for that famous youth, Hodo, along with Eckerich and a another dependent of Count Gunzelin.  The emperor had accused this Hodo and Siegfred, the son of Margrave Hodo, of having been too familiar with Boleslav, but on this day each vindicated himself completely.  While Hodo was pursuing the enemy and quite a lone, having outdistanced his companions, he took an arrow in the head.  Initially, he lost only his eye, but then lost his life as well.  Miesco’s tears flowed freely when he recognized the corpse of the man who had been his guardian and companion during his period of captivity.  After showing every concern for the body, he returned it to our army.  The enemy’s dead numbered no fewer than six hundred, which left us with a great deal of booty.

Chapter 19 (1015)

Messengers quickly brought news of these events to the place where Boleslav then resided.  Although the duke would willingly have hurried to the field of battle, he did boo wish to leave an entry for his enemies, who were so close at hand.  Indeed, wherever our forces tried to land their boats, Boleslav and his warriors followed on horseback.  At last, our people quickly raised their sails and travelled for a whole day.  Since the enemy could not follow, our people reached their destination and safely came ashore.  They set fire to the surrounding areas.  Some distance away, Duke Boleslav was made aware of what had happened and fled, as usual, thereby leaving us – albeit unwillingly – with both the confidence and an opportunity for destruction.  Duke Bernhard who had been unable to support the emperor with his own forces, as previously arranged, sent messengers who secretly revealed all that had occurred and indicated the reason for his disobedience.  The duke then returned home, after pillaging and burring everything in the vicinity.  Ulrich, who should have come to the emperor’s aid, along with his Bavarians, also gave up, for many and varied reasons. Even though these men did not accompany the emperor, they rendered faithful service while in the area.   In particular, Ulrich attacked a very large burg, called Biesnitz.  Aside from the women and children, he took no fewer than one thousand men prisoners.  After setting the burg afire, he returned victorious.  Henry, count of the eastern march, learned that Boleslav’s milites were in true area and had captured much booty.  Accompanied by the Bavarians, he immediately fell upon them,  Although the enemy resisted vigorously, eight hundred of them were killed and all of their booty was taken…

Chapter 20 (1015)

The emperor, still unaware of what had occurred, acted with great care because of the smaller number of his forces.  Nevertheless, as long as he wished to, he maintained a powerful presence in this region.  Thereafter, he returned to a district called Diadesi.  Unfortunately, the army had set up camp in a very narrow location where only a beekeeper resided – he was immediately put to death.  Boleslav, hearing that the emperor planned to leave by a route other than the one by which he had entered, secured the banks of the Oder  in every way possible.  When he learned that the emperor had already departed, however, he sent a large force of foot soldiers to the place where our army was camped, ordering that they try to inflict injury on at least some part of it, should the opportunity present itself.  He also sent his Abbot Tuni to the emperor with a sham offer of peace.  The abbot was immediately recognized as a spy and detained.  In the meantime, virtually the entire army crossed the swamp that lay before it, using bridges constructed during the preceding night.

Chapter 21 (1015)

Only then was Abbot Tuni permitted to leave, a fox in a one’s habit, whose craftiness was highly esteemed by his lord.  The emperor commended the remainder of his forces to Archbishop Gero, the illustrious margrave Gero, and the count palatine Burchard, advising them that they should be even more watchful than usual.  After this, in fact, a great clamor and three shouts went forth from the enemy, concealed in a nearby forest.  Immediately they attacked out troops and shot arrow at them.  Archbishop Gero and Count Burchard, who was wounded, barely managed to escape and tell the emperor what had happened.  The young Count Liudolf was captured, along with a few others.  Count Gero, Count Folkmar, and two hundred of our best milites were killed and plundered.  May Omnipotent God look upon their names and their should with mercy! May all of us who caused their deaths, through ours sins, be reconciled to him through Christ! And, may God mercifully protect us so that we never need to endure such a thing again!

Chapter 22 (1015)

When the emperor received this unhappy news, he wished to go back and fetch the bodies of the dead.  Many advised him to wait, however, and he reluctantly complied.  Instead, he sent Bishop Eid of Meissen, who was to press the cursed Boleslav for permission to bury the dead and beg for the body of Margrave Gero.  The venerable father willingly agreed to the emperor’s request, and quickly proceeded to his destination.  Gazing upon the scene of such wretched slaughter, he began to groan and weep as he offered up praiser for the dead,  The victors, still intent on plundering, noticed Bishop Eid when he was still some distance away. Believing that he was accompanied by others, they initially fled in fear.  As he came closer, however, they greeted him and allowed him to proceed unmolested.  Boleslav, overjoyed at our destruction, readily granted Eid’s requests, and the bishop quickly returned to the battlefield where with great effort and the enemy’s indulgence, he buried our dead comrades.  He had the corpses of Gero and WIdred, his companion-in-arms, transported to Meissen.  At Meisssen, a tearful Count Herman took custody of the bodies and, in the company of his brothers Gunther and Ekkehard, transported them to Nienburg.  During the reign Otto II, Archbishop Gero of Cologne and his brother, Margrave Thietmar, had founded an abbey there in honour of the Mother of God and Saint Cyprian.  Thietmar was Herman’s stepfather and the father of the dear margrave.  Archbishop Gero commended the bodies to the earth and offered consolation to Gero’s lady, Adelheid, to his son, Thietmar, and also to his sorrowing friends and milites.

Chapter 23 (1015)

Meanwhile, the emperor and his entourage moved on to Strehla.  But knowing that Miesco was following with his army, he had also sent Margrave Herman to defend the burg at Meissen.  The emperor himself went directly Merseburg.  Miesco, instructed by his wicked father, knew that our forces had divided prior to their departure and had not left any guard behind them.  At dawn, on September 13, he brought seven war bands across the Elbe near Meissen, ordering some to lay waste the surrounding areas, others to lay siege to the burg itself.  When the Withasen saw this, they had no confidence in the safety of their suburb and instead sought the protection of the upper burg, leaving virtually every possession behind.  Full of joy at this turn of events, the enemy entered the abandoned suburb and set fire to it, after removing all the booty they could find,.  They also launched repeated attacks on the upper burg which had caught fire in two places.  Seeing his few exhausted helpers, Margrave Herman threw himself prostrate on the ground and invoked both the mercy of Christ and the intercession of Donatus, his illustrious martyr.  He also called on the women to help.  They hurried to the walls and helped the men by throwing rocks.  They also put out the fires, using mead because they had no water.  Thanks be to God!  The enemy’s fury and audacity abated.  Miesco watched all of this from a nearby hill where he awaited the arrival of his companions who were busy ravaging and, wherever possible, setting fire to everything up to the river Jahna.  They returned late in the evening, with their horses exhausted, and spent the night with their lord.  They were to attack the burg on the following day. The fact that the Elbe was rising escaped their notice, however. Because of this, the army went home, extremely tired, but in unexpected safety.  This good fortune easted the anxious hear of their leader. The emperor, as soon as he learned of these events, sent whatever forces he could assemble to help the margrave. Shortly, afterwards, he restored the suburb.  To supper this undertaking and provide Security, Archbishop Gero and Bishop Arnulf met with the counts and many others on 8 October. I was by far the least of these.  Within fourteen days the task was completed and we could leave.  Count Frederick was to assume custody of the burg for four weeks.

Chapter 24 (1015)

Archbishop Gero and I, his companion, came to the place called Mockrehna.  There, after I reminded him of his sweet promises, he conveyed to me, with his staff which I still possess today, parochial rights over four fortresses: Schkeuditz Taucha, Puechen, and Wuerzen,* as well as the village of Rassnitz. He postponed any decision regarding the remaining five: namely, Eilenburg, Pouch, Dueben, Loebnitz, and Zoechritz,* saying that he would return them later. All of this occurred on October 25 in the presence of the following witnesses: Heribald, Hepo, Ibo, Cristin, and Siegbert.  On the same day we came to the fortress of Zoerbig* where, after the archbishop’s milites had assembled, I revealed how mercifully their lord had treated me.  We also learned of the illness of the venerable Friderun whose guests we were.  Alas, after a few days, on October 27, she abandoned this human flesh. From thence, the archbishop moved on to Magdeburg where he celebrated the feast of All Saints [November 1]. I did the same in Walbeck…

[* note that with one or two potential exceptions, these are all Slavic names]

Chapter 25 (1015)

After having just returned from Poland with many impressive gifts, Bishop Eid became ill and surrendered hjis faithful soul to Christ, at Leipzig, on December 20. Bishop Hildeward of Zeitz was asked to attend to him and arrived quickly, but upon entering the house in which the holy man had died, discovered that it was filled with a wonderful odor.  He accompanied the body to Meissen and buried it in front of the altar, with the aid of Count William whose turn it was to guard the burg…

… Foreseeing his end, however, he often asked that he might never be buried in Meissen.  Indeed, from fear of future destruction had always hoped instead that he would be found worthy of burial at Colditz, resting police of the body of Magnus, the martyr of Christ.  But Margrave Herman, hopping that the church would benefit from his prayers, still had him entombed at Meissen, as I already mentioned.

Chapter 39

No one can comprehend the northern regions, and what marvelous things nature creates there.  Nor can one believe the cruel deeds of its people.  Hence, I will omit all of this, and merely say a few things concerning that brood of vipers, namely, the sons of Sven the Persecutor.  These sons were born to him by the daughter of Duke Miesco, sister of the latter’s successor and son, Boleslav.* Long exiled by her husband, along with others, this woman suffered no small amount of controversy. Her sons, who resembled their beloved parent in every way, tearfully accepted their father’s corpse and placed it within a burial mound. Afterwards, they prepared shops and made plans to avenge whatever shame had been inflicted upon their father by the Angles.  The many outrages they committed against this folk are not familiar to me and so I shall pass them by.  I wil briefly describe with my pen only that which has been related to me by a reliable witness.**

[* note: Adam 2.35/Schol. 24, pp. 95-96; Tschan (trans.) 1959: 78.]
[** note: Presumably Sewald.]

Chapter 50 (1017)

…This wise man [Count Frederick], recognizing that the end of his life was fast approaching, had conveyed the burg [Poehlde] to his brother’s [Dedi’s] son, Dietrich. It was agreed, however, that the remainder of the count’s land would pass to his three daughters.  Such arrangements were necessary because Dietrich was an heir, and to have done otherwise would not have been legitimate. Later, Dietrich received from the emperor both Frederick’s countship and control over the district of Siusuli*…

[* note: a very interestingly named Slavic tribe]

Chapter 51 (1017)

Meanwhile, the emperor came to Merseburg where he awaited the outcome of this matter.  While he was there, many highwaymen were put to death by hanging, after champions had defeated them in single combat. The two archbishops, Erkanbald and Gero, Bishop Arnulf, Counts Siegfried and Bernhard, and other leading men, camped for fourteen days on the river Mulde.  Through intermediaries, they asked Boleslav to come to the Elbe for the meeting which he had so long desired. The duke was then residing at Zuetzen.  As soon as he had heard this message, he responded that he would not dare to go there, for fear of his enemy. The messengers asked: ‘What would you do, if our lords come to the Elster?’ But he said: ‘I do not wish to cross that bridge.’ After hearing this, the messengers returned and related everything to their lords.  The emperor was with us, celebrating the Purification of the blessed Mother of God [February 2].  Somewhat latter, the bishops and counts arrived, outraged that Boleslav had so contemptuously trie dot deceive them.  In turn, they sought to arouse the emperor’s ire by describing how things had gone during their legation. At this point, they began to discuss a future campaigning and everyone loyal to the emperor was advised to prepare fir it. The emperor firmly prohibited any exchange of messengers between us and Boleslav, that enemy of the realm, and every effort was made to identify persons who might have presumed to do so in the past.

Chapter 52 (1017) 

After his parting from us, the emperor went to Magdeburg, where he was received with great hour.  Because the next morning, a Sunday, marked the beginning of Septuagesima, he stopped eating meat. On Monday, the archbishop consecrated the north chapel in the emperor’s presence. On the following day, a quarrel arose between the archbishops people and Margrave Berhnard’s, but the matter was settled without violence and in the bishop’s favour. At the emperor’s order, thieves who had been defeated in duels assembled there, and were put to the rope. It was at Magdeburg as well that many questions relating to the welfare of the realm were decided and, from thence, that the convert Gunther set out to preach to the Liutizi. In the emperor’s presence, I raised many complaints a part of my diocese which had been unjustly appropriated by the church of Meissen. The restitution of this property had been promised, in writing, but just when it seemed that I might profit from that, I had to recognize that things had gone rather differently from how I had planned. On the feast of Saint Peter’s throne, February 22, the emperor held court. Ut was attended by bishops Gero, Meinwerk, Wigo, Erich, and Eilward. On this occasion, I arose and presented my complaint, expecting help from the emperor and the bishops. Instead, they ordered me – God knows, I was unwilling, but dared not resist – to  concede to Eilward a parish on the east bank of the river Mulda, in the burg ward of Puechen and Wuerzen. In return, he was to give me a parish that he held on the west bank, though I never desired it. The transaction was confirmed with an exchange of episcopal staffs. I give witness before God and all the saints: in no way did I surrender the rest of my claim! The emperor also ordered Margrave Herman to prove by oath that he was the rightful possessor of three villages which he held from the church of Meissen, or surrender them to me.

Chapter 56 (1017)

The emperor, hearing that his wife had recovered and had made a vow to the Lord, rendered heartfelt thanks to Christ.  He devoutly celebrated Pentecost at Werden, which had been founded by God’s holy priest Liudger at his own expense. The emperor’s needs were fully accomplismodated by Abbot Heidenreich. On the following day, June 10, Bishop Thiedegg of Prague, successor to Christ’s martyr Adalbert, faithfully went the way of all flesh. Thiedegg had been educated at Corvey and was especially skilled in the art of healing. When Boleslav the Leder was suffering from paralysis because of his disobedience to Christ’s preacher, he summoned Thiedegg, with Abbot Thietmar’s permission, and was much improved through his ministrations. Thus, when that burning lamp, Woyciech,* was removed from the shadows of this world, as I have mentioned,** the duke’s aid ensured that Otto III installed Thiedegg, as his successor. After the death of Boleslav the Elder, his like-named son frequently expelled the bishop from his diocese, and just as often Margrave Ekkehard brought him back. He suffered many injuries. As Saint Gregory ordered, he not only invited guests to come to him, but even dragged them in. His one major failing was that he drank immoderately, due to an undeserved illness. Indeed, the tremors in his hands prevented him from saying mass without the help of a priest who stood next to him. He grew progressive;u weaker until the end, but, as I hope, cured his soul with good medicines.

[*note: Thietmar writes Uuortegus and Athelberti for Adalbert]

[**note: Book 4, chapter 28]

Chapter 57 (1017)

Meanwhile, Moravian soldiers of Boleslav’s surrounded and killed a large but careless band of Bavarians. In no small measure, then, losses previously inflicted upon them by the Bavarians were now avenged.* As the emperor traveled towards the East, he ordered the empress to meet him at Paderborn. From there, the two of them moved onto Magdeburg where they were received, with honour, by Archbishop Gero. During the following night, July 7, a Sunday, a horrible storm arose and caused widespread destruction of human beings, cattle, buildings, and the produce of the fields.  In the forests, a huge number of trees and branches fell and blocked all of the roads. The next day, the emperor crossed the Elber, along with his wife and the army, and proceeded to Lietzkau, an estate which formerly belonged to Bishop Wigo but was now the habitation of many wild animals. He set up camp and remained there for two nights, awaiting the arrival of more dilatory contingents. Subsequently, the empress and many others returned, while the emperor pressed on with his army. On that same day, Henry, formerly duke of the Bavarians, returned with a message from Boleslav, which suggested that they negotiate a peace. After listening to this report, the emperor sent Henry back again, with a message of his own. When he could accomplish nothing, however, he was sent to join the emperor’s wife, his sister.

[**note: Book 7, chapter 19]

Chapter 59 (1017)

While all of this was going on, Boleslav’s son, Miesco, took ten war bands and invaded Bohemia.  They encountered less resistance that they otherwise would have, due to the absence of the Bohemian duke, Ulrich. After pillaging the country side for two days, Miesco returned, bringing many captives with him and much joy to his father. Accompanied by his army and a large contingent of Bohemians and Liutizi, the emperor anxiously made his way to the burg Glogow, wasting everything he encountered along the way. At Głogów,* Boleslav awaited him with his army. Surrounded by archers, the enemy tried to provoke our forced to battle, but the emperor held them back. Instead, he selected twelve war bands from this already very strong army and sent them to the burg Nimptsch (Niemcza)**, so called because it was originally founded by us, These war bands were to prevent the inhabitants from receiving any aid from outside. They had barely set up camp, however when news reached them that the enemy had arrived. Because of the exceedingly dark night and a heavy rain, there little that our forces could do to them. They put some of them to flight, but reluctantly permitted others to enter the burg. The later is situated in the region of Silesia which was named long ago after a certain mountain of great height and width, While the detestable rites of the heather were still practiced here, this mountain was highly venerated by the populace, because of its unique character and size.

[*note: ad urbem Glogua or Glaguam]

[**note: ad urbem Nemzi]

Chapter 60 (1017)
(Siege of Głogów)

Three days later, the emperor arrived there [at Głogów] with the rest of the army. He ordered that his camp be set up on all sides of the burg, in the hope that he might thereby prevent his enemy from entering. HIs  wise plan and excellent intentions would have enjoyed great success, had his supporters whom greater enthusiasm when it came to the time to implement them. As it turned out, in the silence of night, a large body of troops managed to pass through all the guards and enter the burg. Our people were then ordered to construct various types of siege machinery. Immediately, our opponents began to do the same. I have never heard of an army which defended itself with greater endurance or more astutely. Against the pagans [that is, against the Liutizi], they erected a holy cross, hoping  to conquer them with its help. They never shouted for joy when something favorable to them occurred. Nor did they reveal their misfortunes by openly lamenting them.

Chapter 61 (1017)

Meanwhile, the Moravians invaded Bohemia where they seized a certain burg and returned, unharmed and with much booty. Margrave Henry had attempted to engage them with an army. When he heard of their attack on the burg, however, he quickly set off in pursuit. As a result, more than one thousand of their men were killed and the rest were put to flight. The margrave also managed to free all of their captives and bring them home. Nor should I fail to mention that other milites of Boleslav attacked the burg Belgern* on August 15. In spite of a long siege, they had no success.  Thanks be to God! Among those Liutizi who had remained at home, a large number attacked one of the duke’s [Boleslav’s] burgs.  On this occasion, they lost more than one hundred warriors and their return was marked by great sadness. Later, they inflicted much devastation on Boleslav’s lands.

[*note: Belegori that is Biała Góra or White Mountain; the city was mentioned in 973 as Belgora and in 983 as Belegora]

Chapter 63 (1017)
(Siege of Głogów Conclusion)

In the meantime, the siege machinery had been completed, and now, after three weeks of silence, the emperor ordered an attack on the burg. As he looked on, however, all of this machinery went up in flames, destroyed by fire thrown down from the ramparts. After this, Ulrich and his companions tried to scale the fortifications, but accomplished nothing.  A similar attack by the Liutizi was also turned back. Finally, the emperor realized that his army, already weakened by disease, had no prospect of capturing the burg and decided to undertake the arduous march to Bohemia. There, he was honoured with suitable gifts by Ulrich, who illegally held the title of duke in that region. Meanwhile, September 18, marked the death, following a long illness of Margrave Henry, my aunt’s son and the glory of eastern Franconia. Three bishops, Henry, Eberhard, and the venerable Rikulf, attended to his burial. His grave was located on the north side of the monastery at Schweinfurt, outside of the church, and next to the door, as he himself had wished. The emperor, who learned of his death while residing in Meissen, was very sad.

Chapter 64 (1017)

Boleslav anxiously awaited the outcome of events in his burg at Wroclaw.* When he heard that the emperor had departed and that the burg [that is Głogów] was unharmed, he rejoiced in the Lord and joyfully celebrated with his warriors. More than six hundred of his foot soldiers secretly invaded Bohemia and, as usual, hoped to return with much booty. Except for a few, however, they were trapped by the very snare that they had wanted to lay for their enemies.

[*note: in text Uuortizlaua]

The Liutizi returned to their homeland in an angry mood and complaining about the dishonor inflicted upon their goddess. One of Margrave Herman’s retainers, had thrown a rock at a banner which bore her image. When their servants sally related this event to the emperor, he gave them twelve pounds as compensation. When they attempted to cross the swollen waters of the Mulde, near the burg Wurzen, they lost yet another image of their goddess and a most excellent band of fifty milites. The rest returned under this evil omen and, at the instigation of wicked men, tried to remove themselves from the emperor’s service. Yet, afterwards, a general assembly was held at which their leading men convinced them otherwise. If an entry could barely be forced into the territories of Bohemia, it was even more difficult to exit from them. This expedition was undertaken in order to annihilate the enemy, but it also inflicted many wounds on us, the victors, because of our sins. What the enemy could not do to us then occurred to us later because of our misdeeds. May I also bemoan the outrage which Boleslav’s followers committed, between the Elbe and the Mulde. On September 19, at their lord’s order, they quickly departed, taking with them more than one thousand prisoners and leaving much of the area in flames. With luck they returned home safely.

Chapter 65 (1017)

On October 1, the emperor came to Merseburg, where he installed Ekkehard as bishop of Prague. As abbot, Ekkehard had presided over the monastery of Nienburg for twenty-three years and five months. With my permission, the emperor had him consecrated as bishop by Archbishop Erkenbald on November. On the same occasion, a messenger sent by Boleslav promised that Liudolf the Younger, long held in captivity, would be allowed to return. In return for Liudolf’s freedom, he sought the release of certain of Boleslav’s milites who were being held in firm custody by us. Furthermore, the messenger carefully inquired whether Boleslav, might send a representative to negotiate his return to the emperor’s grace. Relying on the constant advice of his leading men, the emperor agreed to all of these propositions. Only afterwards did he learn that the king of the Rus had attacked Boleslav, as his messengers had promised, but had accomplished nothing in regard to the besieged burg. Subsequently, Duke Boleslav invaded the Russian king’s realm with his army. After placing his long-exiled brother-in-law, the Rus’ brother, on the throne, he returned in high spirits.

Chapter 66 (1017)

… On the following Sunday, November 3, [Abbot Harding of Nienburg]  granted to our brothers serving Christ at Magdeburg a property called Roeglitz… He also conceded to me three churches, located in Leipzig, Oelschuetz, and Geuss…*

[* note: in the text these names are written as Rogalici, Libzi, Olscuizi, Gusua]

Chapter 67 (1017)

Before concluding my account of this year, I must add a few more observations. In the previous year, Thietmar, venerable bishop of the church at Osnabrueck, servant of Saint Maurice at Magdeburg, and formerly the very accomplished provost of Mainz and Aachen, lost the use of his eyes which were now clouded by a kind of darkness…

Chapter 69 (1017)
(Story of Hennil)

…One should scarcely be surprised to find that such portents occur in our regions. For the inhabitants rarely come to church and show little concern at the visits of their pastors. They worship their household gods and sacrifice to them, hoping thereby to obtain their aid. I have heard of a certain staff which had, on its end, a hand holding an iron ring. The pastor of the village where the hand was preserved would carry it from household to household, and salute it as he entered, saying: ‘Awake, Hennil, awake!’ Hennil is what the rustics call the hand in their language. Then the fools enjoyed a lavish feast and believed that they were secure in the hand’s protection. They knew nothing of David’s words: ‘The idols of the heathen are the works of men, and so on… Similar to those are all who make and put their trust in them.’

[for another translation of this story here]

Chapter 72

Now I shall continue my criticism and condemnation of the wicked deeds of the king of the Rus, Vladimir.  He obtained a wife, named Helena, from the Greeks. She and formerly been betrothed to Otto III, but was then denied to him, through fraud and cunning. At her instigation, Vladimir accepted the holy Christian faith which, however, he did not adorn with righteous deeds. He was an unrestrained fornicator and cruelly assailed the feckless Greeks with acts of violence. He married one of his three sons to the daughter of Boleslav, our persecutor.* Bishop Reinbern of Kolobrzeg was sent with her. He had been born in Hassegau, educated by wise teachers in the liberal sciences, and was elevated to the episcopate, worthily, so I hope. My knowledge and faculties would not suffice to describe the effort he expended in fulfilling his assigned task. He destroyed the shrines of idols by burning them and purified a lake inhabited by demons, by through into it four rocks anointed with holy oil and spindling it with consecrated water. Thus he brought forth a new sprout on a tree which had hitherto borne no fruit for the omnipotent Lord, that is, through the propagation of holy preaching among an extremely ignorant people. He afflicted his body with continual vigils, fasts, and with silence, thereby transforming his heart into a mirror of divine contemplate. Meanwhile, King Vladimir heard that his son had secretly turned against him, at the urging of Duke Boleslav. He then seized not only his son and wife, but also Reinbern as well, placing each of them in solitary confinement. With tears and through the sacrifice of constant prayers offered from a contrite heart, Reinbern reconciled himself to the highest priest. Then, freed, from the narrow prison of his body, he joyfully crossed over to the freedom of perpetual glory.

[*note: Sventipulk]

Chapter 73

King Vladimir’s name is wrongly interpreted t mean ‘power of peace.’ Indeed, that which the impious hold among themselves or the occupants of this world possess is no true peace because it constantly changes. True peace is attained only by one who lays aside there soul’s every passion and seeks the Kingdom of God with the aid of patience which conquests every obstacle. Sitting in the security of heaven, Bishop Reinbern can laugh at the threats of that unjust man and, in his two-fold chastity, contemplate that fornicator’s fiery punishment since, according to our teacher Paul, God judges adulterers. As soon as Boleslav learned what had happened, he worked ceaselessly to get whatever revenge he could. Subsequently, King Vladimir died in the fullness of his days, and left his entire inheritance to his two sons. The third son remained in prison, but later escaped and fled to his father-in-law, leaving his wife behind.

Chapter 74

King Vladimir wore a cloth around his loins as an aphrodisiac, thereby increasing his innate tendency to sin. When Christ the master of our salvation, ordered us to bind up our loins, overflowing with dangerous desires, it was greater continence that he demanded, not further provocation. Because the king heard from his preachers about the burning light, he tried to wash away the stain of his sins by constantly distributing alms. It is written, moreover: ‘Give alms, and all will be clean for you.’ Vladimir died when hew was already weak with age and had held his kingdom for a long time. He was buried next to his wife in the great city of Kiev, in the church of Christ’s mart, Pope Clement. Their sarcophagi are displayed openly, in the middle of the church. The king’s power was divided among his sons, thereby completely affirming the words of Christ. For I fear that we will witness the fulfillment of that which the voice of truth predicted with the words: ‘Every kingdom divided within itself will be wasted’, and so on. All Christendom should pray that, in regard to these lands, God may change his judgement.

Chapter 76 (1017)

In this year, four large Venetian ships, filled with different kinds of spices, were lost in shipwrecks. As I have previously mentioned, the western regions which had rarely known peace in the past were now completely pacified. Thanks be to God! Ekkehard, a monk of Saint John the Baptist at Magdeburg, who was also one of my brethren, lost his speech due to a paralyzing illness. In the lands of the Bavarians and Moravians, a certain pilgrim, named Koloman, was seized by the inhabitants and accused of being a spy. Compelled by their harsh treatment, he confessed his guilt although it was not merited. He made every effort to justify himself and explained that he was wandering, in this way, because he was one of of the poor men of Christ. Nevertheless, they hanged this innocent man from a tree which had long ceased to bear fruit. Later, when his skin was slightly cut, blood poured forth. His nails and hair continued to grow. The tree itself began to bloom, moreover, thereby proving that Koloman was a martyr for Christ. As soon as Margrave entry learned of these events he had the body buried at Melk.

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November 6, 2017

Mit einer banier rôtgevar, daß was mit wîße durch gesniten

Published Post author

The idea that Zisara or Cisa or Ciza was a Slavic Goddess (see the Ex Gallica Historia post) seemed to make sense except for the location of the Ciza cult which seems to have been around Augsburg – in Swabia – where there should have been no Slavs.  The connection with Dzidzilela also made sense except that it was just a guess.  But then I cross-searched for the two and discovered that I had hardly been the first to have such an idea.  Over 3 centuries ago, August Adolph von Haugwitz (1647 – 1706) wrote an interesting book dealing with the History of his home province of Lusatia – the Prodromus Lusaticus.  (He was born near Bautzen/Budyšin).  Although, by today’s standards, this history book is hardly professional one, von Haugwitz’s effort is quite well-researched and appears well-intentioned – at least in the sense of not obviously pulling things up out of thin air.  In that same book you can find much about Slavic and Germanic pagan history.  Though much of the material may refer to Gods and Goddesses that themselves indeed may have been “made up” in the course of looking for some sort of pre-Christian identity of the German countryside, von Haugwitz provides numerous citations to earlier works and compilations, some of which may be taken seriously.

In the case of Cisa or Ciza he cites, among other things, the Augsburg Chronicle and the Goddesses’ defense of the city.  It does not really matter whether the inhabitants at the time of any invasions really believed that the Goddess helped them.  What matters is that the inhabitants of Augsburg – again, a place where there should have been no Slavs – believed they had earlier worshipped a Goddess whose name seems connected to attested Slavic cults in the East (such as in Poland).  But it gets better. Haugwitz actually claims that the Sorbs (the Cisa chapter appears in the section De Diis Soraborum) also worshipped Cisa or Ciza providing perhaps a bit of a landbridge connection to Poland. 

And, of course, Augsburg was known as Augusta Vindelicorum.  Vindelici were mentioned by Strabo and by Pliny (Pliny’s work has been interpreted to refer to the Vandals – but Pliny’s manuscripts vary and we have Vandilici and Vindili listed as well).

In any event, here is the 1522 edition of Sigismund Meisterlin’s Augsburg Chronicle (Cronographia Augustensium) in the German print (Ein schöne Cronick & Hystoria…) discussing Ciza, the Vindelici and, of course, the River Lech (and Wertach, that is Vertava – compare with Varsava):

Sigismund Meisterlin wrote his chronicle in German in 1457 (the Latin version was written down the next year).  It was a big deal for the city (he also wrote a chronicle for Nuernberg) and they even created a painting to commemorate one oof the first copies of the same being made:

The plant you see in the coat of arms of the city of Augsburg is a fir cone (Zirbelnuss).  Its first attested appearance in the city’s coat of arms is in 1237.  The fir cone may have been also on the Roman shields of the Roman occupiers back in the day when the VIndelici were driven from Lacus Venetus (by later emperor Tiberius & Co).

Now, one may point out that in Polish cis refers to the yew, a coniferous tree (the Eibe).  The eibe is rather poisonous but has, interestingly, also been the subject of Poland’s first environmental statute (of Warka in 1423) which prohibited the cutting of that tree.

Could that fir cone be yew cone?  Well, the problem is that a yew rather does not have cones in the common sense of the word – its “cones” “bloom” into these red “arils”.

This is what Brueckner has to say about the etymology of the same here:

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October 21, 2017

Izvestia

Published Post author

Albrecht Greule’s Deutsches Gewässernamenbuch is a nice introduction to the study of Central European hydronames.

It is, however, far from complete.  I am not talking about additional entries that could have been provided or additional thinking that could have been done in respect to certain other entries. All that is true and, not as important for the present point.

Take a look at the entry for Saale.  There are three such Saales in Germany: Frankish, Thuringian and one by the town of Duingen.

The entry for the Thuringian one is as follows:

We are told by Greule that this river is mentioned as:

  • Salas potamos (in a 12th century manuscript of Strabo’s Geography)
  • Salas fluvium (in a 9th century copy referring to circa 830) (this is from Einhard: Salam fluvium, qui Thuringos et Sorabos dividit)
  • trans Salam in 945

Then Greule launches into the names of the place in 1109, 1325, 1365, 1433 and 1520 while also mentioning Salauelda in 899 and 942.

But the name that does not get mentioned is the one used by Al-Bakri in his copy of the travel report of Ibrahim ibn Yaqub – Çalâwa or Slawah  which travel report is dated to 965/966.

The later “Polish Annals” (14th century) also say:

“Bolezlavus Magnus, qui Chrabri dicitur, natus est.  Iste Bohemos et Ungaros subiugavit et Saxones edomuit, et in flumine Solave meta ferrea fines Polonie terminavit.

This – Soława – is the Sorb name to this day which is pronounced Souava.

For Ibrahim ibn Yaqub’s description in the best edition (based on the earliest manuscripts):

  • Tadeusz KowalskiRelacja Ibrāhīma Ibn Jakūba z podróży do krajów słowiańskich w przekazie al-Bekrīego (Pomniki dziejowe Polski Ser. 2, T. 1. Wydawnictwa Komisji Historycznej. Polska Akademia Umiejętności T. 84 (1946) (this includes pictures Kowalski himself took of the codex Laleli 2144 in the Süleymaniye Library (discovered by Ritter) and of codex 3034 in the Nuru Osmaniye Mosque Library (discovered by Schaeffer))

(Incidentally, Kowalski’s daughter, an ethnographer in her own right, was married to Tadeusz Lewicki, the famous orientalist).

For earlier efforts you can locate L. Koczy, G. Jacob (1889), F. Westberg (1898).  For the earliest:

  • Friedrich Wigger in Bericht des Ibrahîm ibn Jakûb über die Slawen aus dem Jahre 973 in Jahrbücher des Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde, Band 45 (1880) (see here)
  • M.J. De Goeye in Een belangrijk arabisch bericht over de slavische volkeren omstreeks (1880) (see here)
  • Arist A. Kunik & Baron Victor von Rosen in Izvěstija al-Bekri i drugih avtorov o Rusi i Slavjanah in Zapiski Imperatorskoj Akademii Nauk, 32, Pril. 2. (1878) (based on the discovery in the 1870s of the Al-Bakri manuscript at the Nuru Osmaniye Mosque in Istanbul) (see here)

For more information about the earliest travels of Jews in Eastern Europe see Teksty źródłowe do nauki historii Żydów w Polsce i we wschodniej Europie (Ringelblum & Mahler, 1930).

So here are some interesting points

  • if -ava is really a Germanic suffix denoting the fictional Germanic designation of “water” (fictional because never attested), then why is -ava a Slavic suffix in this case but the Germanic version is, repeatedly, Saale?
  • how does Greule know that the Salas potamos refers to the Thuringian Saale? The quote from Strabo refers to this “And there is also the river Sala, between which and the Rhine Drusus Germanicus died, whilst in the midst of his victories.” Why is this not the Frankish one for example (which, but for Strabo, would, as per Greule be attested in 777 or maybe even in 716). Cassius Dio relates that Drusus died before reaching the Rhine.  If Drusus were returning towards Mainz.  is soldiers later that year raised the Drususstein in Mainz.  If that is where his soldiers ended up then it is also quite possible that that is where they and Drusus were heading – southwest.  Probably then they were going for the River Main first and to get to that they may have passed the Frankische Saale and then Drusus died (of some disease acceding to Cassius Dio). This is not the only solution of course but it is just as reasonable as the one that has him die past the Thuringian Saale.
  • how did the editors of Deutsches Gewässernamenbuch miss this miss?

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September 28, 2017