Here are some excerpts from Arabic manuscripts as given by José Antonio Condé in his History of the Dominion of the Arabs in Spain in the English translation. I have no idea where/which manuscripts Condé got this from but it’s interesting enough to post though he seems to indicate the Madrid library as the place of origin (presumably today in Biblioteca Nacional de España). Here you can learn about the “Sclavonian Wadha El Alameri”, the “Sclavonian Hairan El Alameri”or the Sclavonian Vizier Naja. Note that the Arab ṣaqlabī could also refer to non-Suav Europeans as well as, by virtue of the castration performed on Suavs and other slaves, to eunuchs of whatever ethnicity. Nevertheless, as the names below suggest, some if not all of these people were Suavic.
For example, Condé notes the following in his note entry under the year 1029 A.D: “In the Arabian documents of this period it is not unusual to find Gothic and Christian names, as Gondemir Ben Davad, Ahmed Ben Guzman, Mohamad Ben Fortune, Abdallah Ben Golier, Ben Borangel, Ben Mendis, Ben Mumios, Ben Maurice, Ben Radmir, Ben Garcia, Ben Sancho, Ben Fortis, Ben Gulindo, etc.”
Note too that some of these are likely Frankish and some even Jewish (rather than “Christian”).
The timeframe here for most of this is the period of the civil war called the Fitna of al-Andalus that ultimately led to the collapse of the Cordovan o r Cordoban Caliphate. (Note the name Córdoba or Corduba (also Salduba) seems curiously similar to other names with the -uba, -oba or -ova endings – including in Suavic lands, such as Kashuby).
The English translation is by Mrs. Jonathan Foster. I retain her use of the 19th century “Sclavonian” for Suav.
Part II
CHAPTER XXXVI
OF THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE TAKEN TO PRINCE ABDERAHMAN, AND THE BATTLE OF THE SUBURB OF CORDOVA
817 A.D.
The government of the state and its reputation now reposed on the shoulders of Abderahman ; wherefore the king his father, having assembled the principal Walies, Viziers, Alcaides, Secretaries, and Councillors, declared him Wali Alahdi, or future successor to the throne. The first who took the oath of allegiance were the Princes Esfah and Casim, cousins to the king; after whom came the Hagib and the Cadi of Cadies, they being followed by the other Walies and Councillors. The day was a very solemn and impressive one, and the ceremonies were conducted with great pomp. There was now no war, save only that against the Christians, and this solely for the maintenance of the frontier, not from the desire of conquest or a wish to extend the limits of the kingdom, still less with the hope of drawing any great riches from those countries, seeing that the Christians were for the most part a people of the mountains — poor, unacquainted with commerce, and knowing nothing of the nobler arts. In the year 202 the ships of Spain made an expedition to the islands of Iebisa, Majorca, and Sardinia.
Thus, finding that he had peace both within the kingdom and without, the king Alhakem but rarely left his Alcazar, diverting himself in his gardens with his slaves, male and female, among the latter of whim were many who sang well, and were very dexterous in playing on various instruments. Nay, Alhaken seemed now to remember that he was king, only at such times as he desired to satisfy a certain thirst for blood, which he appears to have had from his birth: but these occasions recurred but too frequently, since few days passed wherein he did not pronounce sentence of death, which he at length inflicted for every species of crime. The king had a life-guard of 5000 men, 3000 of whom were Andalusian Muzarabes, and the other 2000 Sclavonians; he had beside a large number of Eunuchs in his palace. To his life-guard he assigned a fixed sum as their pay and to procure that sum he laid a new tax on the import of certain articles of merchandise; for bringing them, that is, into the gates of Cordova. There were at first certain rebellious persons who refused to pay this new and extraordinary demand, and they maltreated the collectors: but this caused great dissatisfaction and disquietude about the gates of the city; not that the people complained loudly, – there did but rise a vague murmur respecting the new imposts, and of displeasure at the want of confidence in his subjects, which Alhakem made manifest by that large guard with which he now filled his palace, a thing that had not been done either by his father or grandfather, and which yet they observed proved insufficient to keep him free from the daily fear of new treasons and conspiracies.
The king was not unacquainted with these discourses,and he knew also that with the populace of a city there is no medium to be maintained; if the people be not rendered anxious for their own safety, they seek to impose fear on others, and when they do not dread their master may well be dreaded by him. At a word, when the people are once well inspired with fear, you may handle them at your pleasure, and may govern and castigate them without peril, but they must on no account be offered any occasion of enfranchisement by an inopportune gentleness. Such were the convictions of Alhakem; when, therefore, he was informed of the resistance to his orders which had been attempted by the ten merchants before mentioned, he, being of his nature disposed to rigorous measures, com manded that they should be impaled or nailed to high poles.
It thus happened that on an unhappy Wednesday in the Moon of Ramazan of the year 202, and on the 13th of that moon, a great concourse of people from the southern suburb of Cordova had assembled in the public square to be present at the execution of the ten delinquents , when a soldier of the guard happened to wound one of the country people. The bystanders then fell upon the soldier with loud outcries, and driving him from the place with stones, they compelled him to take shelter in the city guard -house, where he arrived wounded and bleeding, with the infuriated multitude at his heels. Once aroused, the rage of the assembled crowds then passed all bounds; the peasants attacked the guards who sought to restrain their violence, and cut several of them to pieces with their knives: the tumult at length extended to the gates of the Alcazar, before which the unbridled assemblage made halt with bold vocife rations and insolent threats.
Informed of what was taking place, the king himself went forth in armour, notwithstanding all that his son, the Hagib, and the Alfaqui Jusuf Ben Matruc, could do to prevent him. The Wali Aben Abdelwahid, and other generals who had hastened to the palace, likewise used all their efforts to restrain their sovereign from descending to the courts of the Alcazar; but none could prevail: Alhakem placed himself in front of his cavalry, and riding down the unarmed hordes before him, he drove them, terrified and dismayed, to their subarb. The greater part of the assembled people then made what háste they could to shut themselves up in their dwellings; but the populace yet remaining in the streets still attempted a vain resistance, and among them the carnage was great: 300 of them were taken alive, and these, being impaled or nailed to stakes, were ranged along the edge of the river. A frightful spectacle, which extended from the bridge to the last of the oil-mills.
On the Thursday next following this deplorable event, the king sent commands for the total destruction of the offending suburb, commencing with its southern extremity, and for three successive days he permitted the houses and their inhabitants to be given up to the plunder and outrages of the soldiery, who destroyed or possessed themselves of all without humanity, the only restriction laid on them being a command that they should do no injury to the women. After the lapse of these three days, Alhakenı ordered that the unhappy creatures who had been impaled should be taken from their stakes, and all the rest of the dead buried; he then consented to permit the few still remaining alive in the ruined suburb to escape with their lives, but on con dition that they should instantly leave Cordova. The unhappy creatures were thus compelled to abandon their be loved homes, and to wander away, despoiled and miserable vagabonds, many departing to the villages and Comarcas of Toledo, while some of them found refuge in that city.
No long time after this lamentable occurrence, more than 15,000 of the Andalusian Moslemah passed over into Barbary; 8,000 of the number remaining in theWest of Africa, while the remainder proceeded into Egypt…
…More than twenty thousand of the inhabitants of his capital were destroyed or driven thence by the unbridled rage and ill-considered severities of the King Alhakem; and this sensible diminution was made among the most vigorous and useful dwellers in Cordova. He thereby gave a new population of eight thousand families to the city of Fez; and the King Edris assigned them that portion of his new town which was ultimately called the Quarter of the Andalusians, because by them it had been first peopled. But Alhakem was not content even with the total destruction of the suburb that had offended him; after having razed and effaced it utterly , he laid a solemn command on his son, and all following successors, to the effect that it should never again be suffered to rise from its ruins, declaring that the place should be a field of desolation, and never know a dwelling, while the race of Alhakem should endure. For this occurrence, and the destruction he had here effected, the king was called Alhakem Alrabdi, or the Man of the Suburb; while for his hard and ferocious disposition he received the by-name of Abu El Aasi.
CHAPTER LXVI
OF THE RETIREMENT OF THE WALI ABU OTHMAN, AND OTHER EVENTS OCCURRING IN CORDOVA
907 A.D.
…When the Vizier Abu Othman Obeidala had finally re tired to Cordova, King Abdallah made him captain of his Sclavonian Guard, which was composed of troops from a foreign people, much in esteem for their bravery, fidelity, and moderation. These soldiers kept the interior of the palace; their arms were a two-handed sword, with a shield and mace of arms…”
CHRONOLOGICAL SERIES OF THE ARABIAN SOVEREIGNS OF SPAIN
OF ALMERIA AND DENIA
Cairan, a Sclavonian
Zohair, also a Sclavonian about 1066 A.D.
CONTEMPORARY KINGS OF VALENCIA
Mudafas, a Sclavonian about 1022 A.D.
Mubarik, a Sclavonian
Lebib, a Sclavonian about 1074 A.D.
CHAPTER CVI
OF SULEIMAN AL MOSTAIN BILLAH
1009 A.D.
After his victory of Gebal Quintos, Suleiman Ben Alhakem Ben Suleiman Ben Anasir pressed forward with his conquering host to Cordova, where the people of the city were desirous of opposing his entrance; but, in pursuance of advice given by the Alameri Wadha, they ultimately opened their gates to the victor. Then Suleiman, distrusting, and not without good cause, the inhabitants of Cordova, not only because of their ancient enmity to his Africans, but on account of the hatred which must have been awakened in their hearts by the recent slaughter of the citizens at Gebal Quintos, and still more because of his Christian auxiliaries, — Suleiman, I say, declined to enter the city at that moment: he concerted measures for maintaining the tranquillity of the capital with the Sclavonian Wadha El Alameri, declaring that he did not desire to oppress the inhabitants by the presence of guests so little likely to be welcome as those he had in his company; with other pretexts of much apparent courtesy. Thus encamping with his army in the surrounding Comarcas, he remained inactive until the 15th day of Rebie Postrera, in the year 400, at which period he made his entrance into the capital with his African cavalry, and was there proclaimed king, receiving the appellation of Almostain Billah…
…With the Sclavonians also did Suleiman Ben Albakem fall into discord, and the cause of that misunderstanding was as follows: they had maliciously advised him to assassinate his Christian auxiliaries, remarking that, after all, those Infidels were his natural enemies, and that the putting them to death would conciliate the affection of the Andalusians. But Suleiman rejected these counsels with bitter reproofs, declaring that he neither could nor would fail in his word to any man, nor think of recalling the promises of security once given, least of all towards those from whom he had received such effectual aid as that lent him by the Christian troops. But Suleiman was not without suspicion that the murderous treachery proposed to him might be committed even against his will, and strongly as his determination had been expressed: he therefore dismissed the Christian auxiliaries with many gifts, and with promises in still greater abundance.
In like manner did Suleiman oppose resistance to the eager representations and repeated prayers of Wadha El Alameri, who had discovered to him the secret of King Hixem ‘s existence, and entreated him to make known that fact to the people, replacing the imprisoned monarch on his throne; a step by which El Alameri assured him he would gain the hearts of every good Mosleman. But Suleiman is said to have replied, “ I wish it earnestly, Wadha; yet I see that this is not the time to entrust ourselves to hands so weak as those of Hixem: let this matter rest, then , for the present, but be sure that his hour will come.” The only alteration made in the position of the King, therefore, was, that his gaoler and the place of his abode were changed; the guardianship of his person being confided to those in whom Suleiman hoped he might place it with security.
CHAPTER CVII
OF THE BATTLE OF GUADIARO, AND THE DEATH OF MUHAMAD BEN HIXEM
1009 A.D.
After his victory at Acbat Albacar, Muhamad Ben Hixem made his entry into Cordova in triumph, amidst the acclama tions of the people, who called him their avenger and deliverer. One of his earliest acts was to appoint the Sclavonian Wadha El Alameri to be the Hagib of his house, an office which he bestowed on him as a mark of confidence , certainly not unmerited by the Alameri. This done, he remained but a few days in the capital, departing thence with all the force he could muster, and with the firm resolve to pursue the Africans and complete their downfall…
…Meanwhile, the best hopes of Muhamad Ben Hixem reposed in his Hagib, the Sclavonian Wadha El Alameri, who possessed all his confidence, and commanded with absolute power in every department of the state. The principal employments were all conferred by the Hagib Wadha on his Alamerian followers; but Muhamad did not dare to refuse his assent, although themore prudent of his counsellors and principal nobles were much displeased with that preponderance of the Sclavonian. The people, too, oppressed and fatigued by the continual labours imposed on them, as well as by the insolence of such as thought they had fortune in their favour, began to abandon the party of Muhamad Ben Hisem, whose star was commencing its decline. The Sclavonians completed these evils by the dangerous counsels which they gave their falling chief, whom they prevailed on to banish some of the most influential Xeques and Viziers from the city, under various pretexts: of some it was averred that they had held seditious discourse among themselves ; others were accused of pretended conspiracies; and others, again, of being disaffected to the interests of Muhamad Ben Hixem; all which concurred to produce a degree of hatred to the latter which was perpetually ex asperated by the oppressive insolence of his imprudent partisans…
…Now the general of the Christian auxiliaries, even the Frankish Count Armengudi, was at this time secretly in formed that Muhamad Ben Hixem had resolved to betray him, and was about to depart from the promise of security and safe conduct assured to him and his people, preparing the pretext of a revolt among the populace for the purpose of disarming his troops and subsequently depriving them of life. The Christian, therefore, not disregarding the secret intelligence thus received, took care to hasten his departure under the colour of excuses which he knew how to make, and, in despite of all Muhamad ‘s protestations, the Count drew his troops from the capital; but, on taking leave of Muhamad, he consented to be the bearer of letters exhorting the Wali of Toledo, Obeidala, to assemble whatever force he could command, and hasten to the assistance of his father, who was shut up in Cordova by the Africans. Muhamad wrote in similar terms to the Walies of Merida and Saragossa , as well as to the Alcaides of the frontiers…
…The African light companies soon approached within a short distance of Cordova; and immediately after this fact became known, it was remarked that many of the most influential among the citizens had disappeared from the city. These were presently found to have passed over to the camp of Suleiman Ben Alhakem. Muhamad now perceived that his fortune was deserting him: he saw that in proportion as his own party diminished did that of his enemy increase; even his guard had fallen into discord and was divided by factions. The Sclavonian Wadha El Alameri availed himself of that occasion to augment the fears of his lord, who, destitute of good counsel, no longer knew what to determine or to whom he could have recourse. He insinuated suspicions of secret conspiracy, giving Muhamad more serious cause than had before existed to distrust his guards. Finally, this Hagib, finding himself to be absolute master in Cordova, and perceiving the vacillation of Muhamad Ben Hixem, persuaded the latter to make known the existence of Hixem El Muyad Billah; and, without waiting an especial mandate from him to that effect, he drew the concealed king from his prison, and presented him to the people in the Macsura or Royal Tribune of the Great Aljama. This was done on the 7th day of the moon Dylhagia, in the year 400
All the city was in commotion as the rumour went abroad that their King, Hixem Ben Alhakem , was still in life; and when they saw standing before their eyes him whom they had followed to the tomb, all the past seemed to be but as a dream. An immense concourse of people collected before the mosque; and when the Sclavonian Wadha El Alameri brought out their king and placed him before them, they received him with the most hearty demonstrations of joy, and accompanied him with unceasing outcries of applause and jubilation even to his palace. Muhamad Ben Hixem had meanwhile concealed himself in a remote apartment of that building, confiding in the Sclavonian Wadha, and hoping that all would eventually be well with him; but on the day of the Easter of Victims, which was the 10th of Dylhagia, he was led by the Sclavonian Anbaro to the foot of the throne that throne which he had himself so recently occupied, but on which the legitimate King, Hixem El Muyad Billah, had just taken his seat. He was then reproached with much asperity by Hixem, who exclaimed, “Now shalt thou taste the bitter fruit of thy disloyalty and unmeasured ambition;” that said, the king commanded the executioner to take off his head, which was done, when, being placed on a pike, the dissevered head was carried by a Vizier through the streets of the capital at the speed of a horse, the body being cast into the public square, after having been cut into many pieces, which were gathered up on the expiration of the third day, and were then buried in the court of a mosque. The head of Muhamad was ultimately sent by King Hixem to his rival, Suleiman Ben Alhaken, who was then at Citawa, and whom the king hoped to intimidate by that example, thereby inducing him to return to his allegiance…
1010 A.D.
…On the 7th day of the moon of Giumada Primera there died at Cordova the Cadi of the Aljama, Ahmed Ben Abdelmelic Ben Haxem , a man of extraordinary wisdom and rectitude. The Hagib of King Hixem Ben Alhakem, Wadha El Alameri, was present at his burial, which took place in the Macbora or cemetery of Coraixi; the prayer was made for him by the Cadi Abu Becri Ben Wafid, and the ablutions of the dead were performed by Abu Omar Ben Afif: all the inhabitants of the city attending the remains of Ahmed Ben Abdelmelic to the place of their repose…
CHAPTER CVIII
OF THE SIEGE OF CORDOVA, TIIE ENTRANCE OF THE HAGIB WADHA EL ALAMARI INTO MEDINA TOLEDO, AND THAT OF SULEIMAN BEN ALHAKEM INTO CORDOVA
King Hixem confirmed the Sclavonian Wadha in his office of Hagib, and that general made several sallies against the Africans commanded by Suleiman Ben Alhakem, in all of which he obtained the advantage; but knowing that the Wali Obeidala was about to join his forces, which formed a select and well-appointed army, to those of Suleiman, he committed the government and defence of the capital to the two generals, Zabor and Anbaro, who were, like himself, Sclavonians, while he proceeded to the territory of Toledo, hoping to arrest the march of Obeidala, and demanding aid for that purpose from the people on the frontiers of Castile as well as from the King of the Christians. From the latter he received a reply to the effect that Suleiman Ben Alhakem had given the Christian six fortresses on con dition of receiving aid at his hands, but that as he would rather assist King Hixem El Muyad Billah than the rebel Suleiman, he would send auxiliaries to him instead, provided that he were assured of certain other fortresses which he named.
Hearing this, the Sclavonian Wadha did not await the decision of the king his master, but hastening to make his agreement with the Infidel, he assented to those conditions; when the Christian auxiliaries immediately joined him. The Alameri then prepared for his attack on Toledo, whence the Wali Obeidala had already departed, and Wadha, having secret intelligence with certain of the in habitants, soon obtained possession of the place.
Receiving an account of what had happened, Obeidala then returned to seek his enemies, and encountered the host of the Sclavonian general, with his Christian auxiliaries, in the vicinity of Maqueda. There they fought a sanguinary battle , wherein the forces of Obeidala were defeated and fled towards Cordova; but, being closely pur sued by the enemy, Obeidala, with many of his cavaliers, fell into the hands of Wadha El Alameri. Among those who were thus unfortunate were Muhamad Ben Temar and Ahmed Ben Muhamad Ben Wasim of Toledo, one of the most distinguished persons of that city, and a very learned man. That cavalier was nailed to a cross, whereon he re peated the Sura Yax, the soldiers cruelly wounding him in the face with their javelins until the head became detached from the stake, and, falling forwards, the unhappy noble then hung suspended by his girdle, in which condition he expired. This deplorable event took place, according to Abu Meruan Ben Hayan , in the moon of Regeb of the year 401; but according to other authorities, in the moon Yaban of the same year.
Obeidala was taken to Cordova under a strong guard, and had scarcely arrived there before the king commanded that he should be beheaded. That Wali was then in the
flower of his age ; and when the people heard that he had been taken while fighting against the Christians, they vituperated the Hagib Wadha El Alameri with bitter violence, and murmuring against King Hixem and his generals, they called them heretics and bad Moslemah.
The government of Toledo had been meanwhile entrusted by the Hagib Wadha to Abu Ismael Dilnoun , a very power ful Xeque and noble of that city , who, by his authority and influence, had facilitated the entrance of the Hagib therein . Having thus taken measures for the tranquillity of the place , the Sclavonian Wadha, well satisfied with his success, dismissed his Christian auxiliaries with many gifts, and promises in still greater abundance; after which he re turned to Cordova. He was there received with much honour by the king, who granted him many favours for his Sclavonians and Alameries, on whom he conferred Al caidias and other offices in the south of Spain, – as for example the governments of Tadmir, Cartagena, Alâlfe, Alicant, Almeria, Denie, Xativa, and others; those who already held appointments of importance he confirmed in their charge.
But Suleiman and his Africans continued in the vicinity of Cordova, where they committed grievous devastations, cutting up the fields around Ecija , Carmona, and other towns on the shores of the Guadalquiver. The Hagib Wadha therefore sent his Sclavonian generals Zabor and Anbaro to engage the Africans, whom their troops en countered with varying fortunes for some time, but finally succeeded in driving them from the Guadalquiver and forcing them to take refuge in the mountains. Some relief was thereby given to the capital, which had already begun to feel the want of provisions very grievously, the people having long suffered cruel hunger, which at length caused a pestilence that kept all in terror of contagion…
…Now Suleiman Ben Alhakem had not remained unac quainted with the state of things in Cordova; he knew the discontent occasioned among the nobles by the undue influence conceded to the Sclavonians and Alameries; they it was that enjoyed all the confidence of the king, who dis trusted his own kindred, and put no faith in his most loyal servants. Determined that he would not lose so favour able an opportunity, Suleiman therefore wrote to the Walies of Calatrava, Guadalaxara, Medina, Selim, and Saragossa, declaring to them that if they would give him aid against the Sclavonians, who were exercising a tyrannical sway at Cordova and in other cities of the kingdom, he would for his part assure them of their continuance in their govern ments, and not only so, but would cause those offices to descend by right of inheritance to their sons. The Walies thus appealed to were by that last promise assured of ob taining a concession which many of those ambitious rulers had long desired, and they made an agreement with Sulei man accordingly , sending him their banners without delay, and each being accompanied by a well-appointed force of foot and horse.
1011 A.D.
These things being made known to the Hagib Wadha El Alameri, and he, finding that the Walies of eastern Spain were about to march against him , made the king acquainted with these preparations for war, and the great movements then effecting in the provinces : he further more persuaded Hixem to write letters to Aly Ben Hamud, the Wali of Cebta and Tunis, as also to his brother Alcasim, Wali of Algezira Alhadra, whom he knew to be at variance with Suleiman Ben Alhakem, offering them great concessions and advantages of various kinds if they would come to his aid with all their power; nay, the Hagib even prevailed on King Hixem to promise that in the event of their ensuring to him the triumph which he desired to obtain over his foes, he would cause the elder of the two brothers, even Aly Ben Hamud, to be declared his successor to the throne.
Yet, when these letters were written, the Hagib did not send them, but kept them for some more opportune occasion — perhaps because he was himself somewhat doubtful of the measure, although it was he who had proposed it.
The year 402 passed over the heads of the Andalusians who continued in the endurance of very cruel sufferings from the ravages of the pestilence, as well as from the trials and afflictions of civil war : provisions were fast failing in the capital, misfortunes of all kinds were accumulating , and the discontent of the people increased in cqual proportion . The populace, ever ready to murmur against the government, were rendered furious and un manageable by all these calamities , and such of the in habitants as were able to quit Cordova , did so, flying to the mountains, or taking refuge in the smaller towns, as the case might be.
By means of these fugitives and by others of which he had contrived to obtain possession , Suleiman Ben Alhakem had meanwhile maintained an exchange of letters with certain of the more influential inhabitants; nay, some authorities affirm that even the Hagib Wadha himself was one among them; but this does not appear to be credible. Yet the King Hixem Ben Alhakem was assured that such was the case; and it was furthermore declared to him that his Sclavonian Hagib meditated the surrender of the city to his enemies. Then the unhappy Hixem, who believed all and feared all, caused the loyal Hagib to be thrown into prison. Immediately afterwards, those letters which the king had written, as above related, to the governor of Cebta and Algezira, were found to be still in Wadha’s possession , and the hapless Hixem commanded that the head of his faithful servant should be struck off; thus forgetting in a moment of anger all the devotion and good service of so many years.
The king then named Hairan, the governor of Almeria, his Hagib; and as that general was a man ofmuch prudence and valour, he was perhaps better calculated for the office thus conferred on him than any other noble then about the person of the monarch, whom he might have saved had the good fortune of that ill-fated prince not been now arrived at its close. Hairan was of the Sclavonian Alimeries, as the Hagib Wadha had been, and was the last of them who served King Hixem.
Algasenia, an accomplished poetess of Bagena, composed a long Casida of elegant verses in praise of Hairan Lord of Almeria and Hagib to King Hixem El Muyad Billah; these she presented to the general about this time, and they were very highly applauded by the distinguished spirits of the day.
Of a most benign and generous disposition, the new Hagib frequently prevented the fulfilment of the tyrannous orders issued by the king, who felt distrust of all the prin cipal men of the city, and would not permit them to assemble in any place but the mosques, suspecting con spiracies in the most innocent meetings of the nobles. But this oppression of his subjects, and the discontent which Hixem thus awakened in their hearts , was most favourable to Suleiman Ben Alhakem, who had long occupied Medina Azahrah with a numerous host, and now kept the capital closely besieged.
The Hagib Hairan was meanwhile doing his best to animate the guards and other troops to the defence of their king and the city; yet his efforts and exhortations pro duced but little effect . He performed his part as a good general should; but a city which does not care to defend itself is not easily to be preserved. One day, while Hairan, with his guards, was fighting at the gate of the Axarquia, and labouring to disperse a body of the Africans who were filling up the trenches, there arose a dispute between the inhabitants of the city and the troops still remaining faithful to the king, who were defending the second gate, but whom the traitors were then attacking with all the force they could assemble. Informed of this perilous disorder, the Hagib was compelled to abandon the important post which he was maintaining, for the purpose of repressing the rioters; since the royal troops and the people were performing the office of the enemy by cutting each other to pieces.
While Hairan was thus employed, admission was given to the besiegers by those who favoured them within the walls; the general then hastened with his guards to attempt their expulsion , and, opposing their entrance step by step, a sanguinary contest ensued, which did not close till night fall, when the troops of Suleiman had obtained possession of all the towers and forts around the capital. The brave and faithful Hairan fell wounded among the few loyal and valiant cavaliers of Cordova , who were still animated by his example, and had resolved to die in their duty, when the Africans made themselves masters of the city.
1012 A.D.
But not long did the traitors who had delivered up their trust escape the punishment due to that treachery: the Africans and their auxiliaries made a cruel slaughter among the citizens, without respect to friends or foes, and for three days they sacked the place, paying no regard to the repre sentations of those who, having been of their party, had hoped to profit by the treachery they had favoured, even when taking no actual part in the matter. Frightful cruelties were committed on all sides. The learned and eloquent orator, Muhamad Casim El Halati, was inhumanly murdered in his own house, as was Chalaf Ben Salema Ben Chamis of Cordova, one of the Odules or sworn judges of the city, he also being assassinated in his chamber, and subsequently buried, without attendance or prayer, in the Macbora of Ben Abbas.
On the same day, Abu Salema El Zahid, Imaum of the Mosque of Ain Tar, was cut to pieces in his dwelling; and the wise Ayoub Ruch Bono, with Said Ben Mondhir, son of the Cadi of the Aljama, was likewise cruelly murdered; Muhamad Ben Abi Siar, a Sclavonian of the king’s guard, then lying sick in his house, met the same fate, as did Abdallah Ben Husein, called El Garbali, an eminent architect of Cordova, who had constructed many splendid edifices and royal dwellings therein, with other buildings, all contributing to the public utility and convenience; he also having been cut to pieces by those barbarians in their horrible irruption into the capital, which took place on a most unfortunate Monday, the 6th day of the moon Xawal in the year 403. Nay El Badalyosi has even affirmed that the remains of Abdallah Ben Husein remained three days without burial, and that the body was at length taken to Nacbora Om Salema, where the remnants of his household yet living buried it without ablution, without a shroud , and without prayer ; so great was the confusion and horror into which the afflicted people of Cordova were thrown by the murders, plunder, and violence of every kind to which they were sub jected in those days of judgment.
No sooner had his troops entered the city , than Snleiman Ben Alhakem took possession of the Alcazar, at whose gate it was that the Hagib Hairan El Alameri had fallen wounded. Being covered by the corpses of other brave and noble cavaliers who had fallen with him, the general was sheltered from further injury, and lay there in sensible among the dead; but in the course of the night his senses returned, and he found strength to free himselt from the weight by which he was at once protected and oppressed. The soldiers, busied with their plunder, did not remark the figure thus rising from a heap of corpses, and the mangled commander having become sensible to the realities of his position, continued to drag himself from the bodies around him, and at length reached a place of shelter which he found in the house of a poor but honourable citizen, where he remained unknown to all, and in that concealment was cured of his wounds.
Suleiman Ben Alhakem was soon proclaimed king, with the title of Adofar Bihulallah. The Sclavonians and other honourable servants of King Hixem made supplication for their lord to the conqueror: but what he did with that hapless prince was not known, nor has it even yet been ascertained with certainty, since he never was seen again either living or dead; neither did Hixem leave any succession, unless it were that of calamities and civil discords. The barbarians assassinated many noble Xeques in their dwellings; and, in addition to those already enumerated, may be mentioned the Sclavonian Muhamad Ben Zeyad, who had been a closely familiar friend of King Hixem. Those murderous wretches even burst into the harems of the principal inhabitants of Cordova, — and that profanation rendered them more odious than all their cruelties had done…
CHAPTER CIX
OF THE GOVERNMENT OF KING SULEIMAN BEN ALHAKEM , OF THE NEW CIVIL WAR, AND OF OTHER EVENTS
1013 A.D.
…The Sclavonian Hairan El Alameri lay, meanwhile, concealed in the capital until he had been cured of his wounds, when he secretly went forth and reached Auriola, without having encountered the enemies who were seeking him. There he found shelter among his friends and partisans, by whom he was enabled not only to attain his own city of Almeria, but also to take with him a considerable force of troops, with some treasure. The Wali who had been appointed in his place, even Alafia Ben Ahmed, resisted the entrance of Hairan, and defended himself in his Alcazar during twenty days; but the palace was taken by force, and the unhappy general was thrown into the sea, with all his children.
In the year 405, Hairan passed from Almeria to Cebta, where Aly Ben Hamud was governor, and that noble he persuaded to take part with him in seeking vengeance for the deposition and suspected death of the King Hixem Ben Alhakem. The proposals of Hairan were to the effect that Aly should assemble his forces, which he should unite with those of Hairan and ofhis own brother Alcasim Ben Hamud , lord of Algezira Alhadra, by whose aid and that of other Alameries, Governors, and Alcaides of fortresses in the south of Spain, they might hope to drive Suleiman Ben Alhakem from Cordova, seeing that he was reigning there not with the consent of the Andalusians, but against their wish.
1014 A.D.
Hairan spoke with much warmth concerning the wrongs of the unhappy King Hixem Ben Alhakem, quoting the letters which Hixem had caused to be written to Aly Ben Hamud and his brother Alcasim, calling them to his aid, and offering them the succession to the throne, of all which Hairan could speak with effect, as being one who had inti mate knowledge of everything connected with the matter. Furthermore, and as if the unfortunate Hixem had been still living – although it is more than probable that he had then ceased either to hope or fear – Hairan described the indignities of his imprisonment and the constant danger to which he was exposed while permitted to remain in the hands of so cruel an enemy as was Suleiman Ben Alhakem . In the name of his sovereign, therefore, he entreated Aly Ben Hamud not to lose a moment, but at once to attempt his deliverance, adding, that even though they might not arrive in timeto effect the saving of his life, they should in any case be ready to avenge the obscure and unmerited death which his enemies had inflicted on him, and which it more particularly belonged to them to do, as being descendants of the same illustrious race with the hapless king.
Incited by the words of Hairan, and by his gratitude to King Hixem, the noble general Aly Ben Hamud, who was of his nature a most compassionate and generous youth , determined to bestir himself in behalf of the deposed monarch, and if he were not permitted to deliver him from the foes into whose hands he had fallen, yet to avenge his innocent blood: he therefore united himself with Hairan, and, conjointly with that general, he wrote letters to his brother Alcasim Ben Hamud, exhorting him to assemble his forces for the purpose of uniting with the Alameries of Andalusia in their attempt to deliver or avenge the oppressed King Hixem Ben Alhakem.
Furnished with these letters, Hairan then departed from Cebta , and sailed for Algezira Alhadra, where he was pre sented on his disembarkation with a copy of very elegant verses by the renowned poet Abu Amer Ben Deragh, to whom Hairan made the royal gift of one hundred and fifty mitcals of gold for the same.
On the part of Alcasim Ben Hamud the Sclavonian general found no difficulty, — on the contrary, that Ameer entered into the alliance proposed to him with all his heart, assembled the flower of his troops, and being joined by those of his brother Aly , which arrived from Cebta and Tangiers, he took possession of Medina Malaga in concert with the Sclavonian Hairan, although the Alcaide of that city , Amer Ben Feth , did his utinost to oppose their enterprise.
The purpose of these allies was now made public : they declared their determination to restore their legitimate sovereign Hixem Ben Alhakem Ben Abderahman Anasir to the throne of Spain, and called on all good Moslemah to bear part in that undertaking. The Alameries agreed to place themselves entirely under the guidance of the illustrious Aly Ben Hamud, whom they elected the leader of all, and so they joined their banners, in the hope of a successful war.
All the towns of the empire were now thrown into · commotion , and the report of this important enterprise was presently sounding throughout broad Spain…
1015 A.D.
…We now return to the affairs of Suleiman Ben Alhakem. When the reports of what was doing on the coast reached Cordova, they did not fail to cause him heavy cares : he wrote to his generals , and sent’ envoys to his allies. Some have affirmed that he then put to death the deposed King Hixem Ben Alhakem El Muyad Billah , suspecting him of being the prime mover in those troubles ; but God alone knows the truth of that matter; all that can with certainty be averred is, that nothing more was ever heard of King Hixem after the third entry of Suleiman Ben Alhakem into Cordova
Not desiring to await his enemies in the capital, Suleiman’s first orders were for the assembling of his cavalry, and with that force he left the city, remitting the government thereof to his father Albakem Ben Abderahman, although the old man was very reluctant to accept the charge, and more than once refused to undertake it.
The general Hairan El Alameri had meanwhile repaired to Almunecaub with the troops which he had gathered from Almeria, and was there joined by Aly Ben Hamud, with those of Cebta and Tangiers; the people of Malaga and Algezira, with those of their Comarcas, also proceeding to the same point of union, seeing that Almunecaub is at equal distance from Almeria and Malaga. Here, when the banners had all assembled , the leaders bound themselves by a vow to restore the dethroned monarch Hixem El Muyad Billah to the seat of his fathers, and to obey him, the son of their ancient lords, as the only true sovereign of Spain
This was done with much solemnity in the presence of the congregated troops, because there was much distrust among them; and in discourse with each other, the soldiers freely declared that their generals were moving not for King Hixem , but for their own particular interest, and to avenge their private wrongs.
To the very confines of Almunecaub, where the army of Aly Ben Hamud and his allies were thus preparing for action , came Suleiman Ben Alhakem with a flying camp of carefully selected cavalry , when several skirmishes ensued between the advanced parties of either army, both sides fighting with much bravery and various fortunes.
It was the desire of Suleiman Ben Alhakem to avoid a general engagement, and he took much pains to do so , unwilling to encounter the large force of the allies in a pitched battle ; he hoped, indeed, that the delays thus ensuing would diminish the fervour by wbich they were animated, and trusted to time for the breaking- up of their union, seeing that such dissolution is the most frequent result of alliances thus formed.
But the wise and experienced Hairan divining his purpose, was equally anxious to bring him to battle ; and Aly Ben Hamud, prudently accepting the advice of his older ally , did his best to produce that result ; wherefore they did at length find means, though not without great difficulty and many stratagems, to compel their adversary to open fight power against power, — when a sanguinary combat ensued , with incalculable loss to both ‘ armies. This took place towards the close of the year 406…
1016 A.D.
…In the year 407, the war between Suleiman and the allied forces of Hairan, Aly , and Alcasim , was continued with various fortunes, the towns and populationsmeanwhile suffer ing cruelly from their incursions and the excesses of the soldiery , insomuch that all were living in fear and dis quietude.
Suleiman was anxious to obtain an increase of his army from Cordova and its Comarcas ; but the few troops sent him served without zeal or good will of any kind, whole companies of them going over to the enemy before his eyes. His former allies from the frontier of eastern Spain excused themselves with various pretexts, and none came to his aid . All the host of Suleiman Ben Alhakem was thus formed of Africans and the cavalry of Merida, Carmona, Ecija, and Seville, with the people of Algarve, these forces being led by his brother Abderahman, by Abu Giafar, Wali of Santa maria , and by the Wali of Merida, Abu Othman Said Ben Haraun . The enemies of Suleiman did not neglect to foment and encourage the disobedience and discontent prevailing in the various provinces, and sought to do him injury in every manner that they could devise.
1017 A.D.
And now , after many skirmishes and combats of com paratively slight importance, the two hosts met in the Comarca of Medina Talca , which is in the territory of Seville , when , as of one accord , they commenced a furious battle. The Africans fought with a barbarous valour, en forced by the example of their intrepid leaders, and above all by that of their king, Suleiman Ben Alhakem , who went raging like a maddened lion through the hottest of the fight. But yielding at length to the superiority of numbers, he began to retire as the day drew near its close, withdrawing his troops in good order, and proposing to reach the fortress, there to take shelter for the night, when he was suddenly attacked by the greater portion of his own men . The soldiers had been induced to that mutiny by the shameless treason of their Andalusian officers, who followed the breath of fortune : and that inconstant one, according to her usual practice, had that day abandoned Suleiman Ben Alhakem for ever. Thus the two brothers, their horses lying dead beneath them , and themselves covered with wounds, were surrounded by the boldest of their enemies, and fell almost expiring into their hands. At that time there lay by the side of Suleiman, bravely fighting for whom they had sacri ficed their lives, his faithful vizier, Ahmed Ben Said , lord of Santamaria, in Algarve, with his son -in -law , Said Ben Haraun of Merida ; other cavaliers of Algarve,who had also kept their faith to their lord , very narrowly escaping the same fate. The field remained concealed beneath the corpses of the slain for a vast distance
On the following day, the victors entered Seville without any resistance, and continuing their march from that city, they took possession of Cordova with equal facility . The old man Alhakem Ben Abderahman, being made acquainted by the fugitive Africans with the misfortunes of his sons, bad no wish to restrain the triumphant course of Aly Ben Hamud, the avenger, nor any power to do so , even had he felt the wish. No sooner had the allies entered Cordova, than Aly Ben Hamud made himself master of the Alcazar, took the Wali Alhakem Ben Abderahman prisoner, and commanded that his two sons Suleiman and Abderahman should be brought to his presence, although they were then dying of the many and grave wounds they had received in the battle. Aly then enquired of the noble old chief, and said , “ Oh, man of many days, what hast thou done with the King Hixem , and whither bast thou borne him ?” Whereunto the old man answered that he knew nothing of the matter. Then said Aly, “ Ye have put him to death.” But Alhakem replied , “ No, by Allah, that have we not ; nor do we know whether he be living or dead , or where he now is .” There upon Aly drew his sword , and said, “ These heads do I offer to the vengeance of Hixem El Muyad Billah, and so do I fulfil my charge.” Then Suleiman raised his eyes and said , “ Let thy sword fall on mine alone, Aly Ben Hamud, for these my father and brother have done nothing to offend any man, or to merit death .” But Aly disregarded his words, and with his own hand he beheaded them all three , removing each head by one firm and well- directed blow . The death of Suleiman , of Alhakem his father , and of his brother Abderahman , took place on a Sunday, the 20th of the moon of Moharram , in the year of the Hegira 407.
Aly now commanded that King Hixem should be sought with great care : and there was no apartment and no dungeon of the royal palaces and dwellings wherein he did not cause search to be made ; but all this was only vain labour, – Hixem El Muyad Billah never appeared again either in life or as the dead, and his departure from this world was at length made public, giving occasion for the setting about among the people of many strange fables and groundless rumours.
CHAPTER CX
OF THE REIGN OF ALY BEN HAMUD
1018 A.D.
By the counsels of Hairan Alameri the Sclavonian, Aly Ben Hamud was now proclaimed in Cordova as King of Spain , with the titles of Motuakil Billab and of Anasir Ledinallah, that proclamation being made on the 13th day of Giumada Segunda, in the year 408. The Chotba or public prayer was then made for their new sovereign in all the mosques; and Aly wrote to the Walies and Governors of provinces, making known to them that King Hixem El Muyad Billah had declared him successor to the throne before losing his liberty , and expressing his hope that they would come to his capital, as loyal subjects should do, to take the oath of fidelity and allegiance to his rule.
From the Walies of Seville, Toledo, Merida, and Saragossa, Aly Ben Hamud received no replies to his letters ; a circumstance which caused the king to conceive much fear and distrust, more especially of the Alameries. The Sclavonian Hairan , moreover, made many extravagant deinands on him, and appeared to believe that he was failing in the fulfilment of the conditions agreed on between them; wherefore, fearing that general’s influence in Cordova, the King Aly Ben Hamud dismissed him from the Court, and commanded him to repair to his government of Almeria: but Hairan departed in great displeasure, offended by that proceeding on the part of Aly Ben Hamud, and meditating revenge against the proud and ungrateful king.
Moved by these feelings, the Sclavonian general incited other leaders to rebellion as he passed onwards to his government ; and many of the Alameries joining his party, Hairan entered into a conspiracy against Aly Ben Hamud, with the Alcaides of Arjona, Jaen, and Baeza, in conjunction with whom he wrote to Almondar, the Wali of Saragossa , exhorting him to unite with them for the purpose of driving Aly from the throne and restoring the same to the Omeyas, who were in fact the lawful heirs, and to whom Aly Ben Hamud, in his treaty with the allied leaders, had promised the restitution of their just claims.
And now, to give their enterprise the more weight, and secure the consideration of the people, the Walies assembled in Guadix, where they took a solemn oath to maintain with all their power the war by which a legitimate prince of the house of Ömeya, to whom all might pay a rightful obedience, should be placed on the throne of Cordova.
Such were the purposes which they publicly declared ; but the stipulations secretly made and agreed to among them were of a less generous character : they were in fact more eagerly seeking their private interests than the general welfare, aiming atnothing less than the permanence and security of their governments and offices , each hoping to secure that which he held in his own family , and pro posing to obtain their cities or provinces as the hereditary possession of their houses, in reward for the zeal they were displaying and the labours they were about to under take.
With the plausible pretext set forth as above mentioned, the Walies assembled a large host, the natural love of the people for their ancient sovereigns causing all to hope that they might recover their previous calm and prosperity under the shadow and within the protection of their Omeyan princes…
…The banners of the Walies united against Aly Ben Hamud were now approaching Cordova, led by the Sclavonian Hairan El Alameri : but their arrival was no sooner made known to King Aly, than he sallied forth to meet and attack them with his Africans and the people he had assembled from Malaga and Algezira-Alhadra. This the allied forces had not expected, believing the king would be intimidated by their approach , and permit himself to be shut up in the capital: they were therefore taken at disadvantage, and the cavalry of Aly fell upon them with such impetuosity as to throw them into a disorderly flight. A frightful slaughter was then made by the troops of Aly among the foot soldiers of his assailants; and those generals, each accusing the other of the misfortune they had sustained , broke up their alliance, and separated in discontent. King Aly then charged his Wali Gilfeya, who was an experienced general, to pursue the fugitives, commanding him to make a cruel war on the Sclavonian Hairan El Alameri in particular; whereupon that captain passed through the districts which were supposed to be more particularly favourable to the Alameries, and besieged several strong towns which held for that party.
Hairan, for his part, bad meanwhile retired to the terri tory of Jaen, and assembling the banners of the towns in that region , he formed a league with them , when they agreed to proclaim the Wali of Jaen , who was an illustrious cavalier of the house of Omeya, the lawful king of Spain . This was Abderahman Ben Muhamad Ben Abdelmelic Ben Abderah man Anasir, called Almortadi and Abul Motaraf, a virtuous man , who possessed vast riches, was of a liberal as well as upright mind , and had secured the love of all that land by the excellencies of his character. The name alone of that cavalier, who was the great-grandson of Abderahman the Great, lent a powerful impulse to the party of the Alameries. The towns and people of those mountain regions proclaimed him their king and lord with acclamations of gladness : and Hairan the Sclavonian, with all the Alcaides and Alameries then present, took the oath of fidelity and obedience to his rule : the only person who excused himself, under various suppositions and pretences,was ElSanhagi, Wali of Granada and Elvira.
CHAPTER CXI
OF ABDERAHMAN ALMORTADI
The Proclamation of Abderahman , the fifth of that name in the house of the Omeyas of Spain , with the oath of alle giance taken by his people, was celebrated in the city of Jaen with much solemnity and with many demonstrations of public gladness. Abderahman appointed the Sclavonian Hairan to be Hagib of his house and state, when the latter convoked the Walies of the cities in his master’s name, causing them to assemble troops, with which he marched against the forces of King Aly Ben Hamud.
The two hosts met near Baza , and an obstinate battle ensued, when the army led by Gilfeya conquered, and Hairan Alameri was compelled to retire . He then withdrew from fortress to fortress, being under the necessity of sustaining a skirmishing fight at every movement.
In one of these combats the Sclavonian general was severely wounded, and his cavaliers being dispersed, he was fain to corceal himself in a remote quarter of Baza, when his soldiers, believing him to be dead or a prisoner, returned to Jaen much discouraged and very sad at the loss of their leader . But after the lapse of a few days, the Sclavonian found means to inform King Abderahman and his cavaliers of his safety ; and this intelligence caused them to rejoice greatly , since they had already given him up for lost. The king sent a body of troops to serve as his guard, and these being joined by others from his own city of Almeria , they bore him to that place almost as it were in triumph. He was then immediately surrounded by a great coucourse of Sclavonians and Alameries, the Alcaides of Denia, Tadmir, and Jativa, also repairing to Almeria, each with his re spective banners.
Through the whole extent of eastern Spain the Chotba had now been made for the King Abderahman Almortadi, and all the people of those districts prepared to restore the house of Omeya to the throne of Cordova, being resolved to drive thence the usurper Aly Ben Hamud. The fame of this resolve, and the proclamation of Abderahman, were soon carried through all the provinces of the realm , when the people declared for him in every part. Valencia, Tortosa, Tarragona, and Saragossa, all proclaimed themselves of his party , and the Walies of those provinces sent in their letters of allegiance.
This caused much anxiety to the King Aly Ben Hamud, and he despatched his most carefully selected cavalry to his general Saib of Sanhaga, whom he had appointed Wali of Granada and Elvira , commanding him to press on the war against King Abderahman and his partizanswith the utmost constancy. There were, indeed, many who gave their wishes to that king, but they did not all proceed with equal real and courage: thus the number who gathered round his banners was not large, and the principal part of his strength was in the number of his cities.
Gilfeya and the Wali of Granada and Elvira were mean while infesting the territories and Comarcas of Jaen, in fulfillment of the commands of their lord, while King Abderahman, with his followers, secured themselves in the mountain region of the Alpujarras, and in the strong position of Jaen itself, the city and fortress , that is to say. King Aly Ben Hamud marched in person , with a powerful army, against the Sclavonian Hairan, whom he attacked and besieged in Almeria. After a stubborn resistance he took that city by storm . Hairan fell pierced by many lances as he fought in defence of the place, and so grievously wounded as to be almost dead , was borne to the presence of the conqueror, the Alcazar having surrendered on conditions, and because its defenders were acting in the conviction that their leader had already expired. Almost senseless from loss of blood, the Sclavonian was placed before Ben Hamud , when the latter, forgetting the good service he had formerly received at the hands of the vanquished general, cut off the head of him who had but a few moments to breathe, with his own sword. Then , having taken measures for securing the city of Almeria , Aly returned to Cordova, content with his triumph , and believing that all the discords of the country would soon be at an end , since the restless and rebellious Hairan was at length dead.
In this year of 408…
…Even in the city of Cordova, and in his own Alcazar, King Aly Ben Hamud had many enemies, all of whom were more or less zealous partisans of the King Abderahman Almortadi. The samemightbe said of Seville, and through all Spain the nobles were for the most part on the side of Abderabman. Yet was Aly Ben Hamud not discouraged, but was constantly employed in preparing himself for the continuance of the struggle ; and having despatched a large part of his forces to join the generals Gilfeya and El Sanhagi, in the district of Granada, he was now himself on the point of setting forth to join them , in the hope of putting an end to the war. It was the intention of Aly to attack the city of Jaen, where King Abderahman made his residence, with all his forces, and everything was made ready for that purpose ; the baggage train and guards of the king had even passed the gates of the city , and halted only to wait for his arrival; when, before leaving Cordova, King Aly entered his apartments to take a bath. There, the Sclavonians who attended him having been won to their cause, as is supposed, by the Alameries then in Cordova , seized the unfortunate Aly, and wickedly drowned their lord while thus helpless in their hands.
Such was the unhappy end of the King Aly Ben Hamud. His death took place in the moon of Dylcada, of the year 408.
Aly Ben Hamud was in the 45th year of his age when he thus died ; he was tall of stature, and of handsome person; his eyes were black, he was slight and spare of figure, and a man of severe and virtuous life , but very cruel to his enemies. He was King of Cordova one year and nine months. His death was publicly reported to be an accident or natural misfortune, and so did his guards and more trustworthy servants believe it to be. God alone knows all things.
CHAPTER CXII
OF ALCASIM BEN HAMUD, BROTHER OF ALY
The Generals of King Aly ‘ s guards, and all the followers of that prince, proclaimed his brother Alcasim Ben Hamud, Lord of Algezira Alhadra, as King of Spain; and this they did in Cordova with one accord, going through all the streets to make public his inauguration , and cailing him El Manun . The event of his brother ‘s death was made known to Alcasim with incredible rapidity, and he hastened to the capital followed by a force of four thousand horsemen , insomuch that his enemies had not time to impede his entrance or excite any movement against him ; wherefore many of the nobles of Cordova saw themselves compelled to swear allegiance to him and became his followers in their own despite.
One of the earliest cares of Alcasim was to command a rigid investigation to be made into the cause of his brother’s death . The Sclavonians who had served him in his bath were subjected to unheard -of tortures , and in the midst of these they confessed that they had murdered the king to satisfy the vengeance of certain among the Alameries and others, whom the cruelties of Aly Ben Hamud had made his enemies.
And now , although these Sclavonians did not name any particular person , yet Alcasim Ben Hamud caused many of the nobles to be put to death without any other proof of guilt than the presumption that they were his brother ‘s enemies, arising from the fact that he had punished or put to death other nobles who were their kinsmen .
All men now feared Alcasim , and trembled in his presence, the principal families of the city being those most heavily oppressed. Many cavaliers fled the capital, and passed over to King Abderahman Almortadi, insomuch that the vengeance taken by Alcasim Ben Hamud enriched the party of his rival by the addition of many powerful nobles to his banners . The reports of certain victories gained by the people of Jaen over the Wali of Granada also came at This time to increase the hopes of those who were attached to the family of Omeya, while they augmented the fears and distrust of the followers of the Hamudes in equal proportion.
[he was replaced by his nephew YAHYE BEN ALY]
CHAPTER CXIII
OF YAHYE BEN ALY
1021 A.D.
Alcasim then made his entry into Cordova without having met with the slightest resistance ; but none of the principal inhabitants went forth to receive him , and he was met only by some few of the populace ; – a circumstance by which he was much displeased, and which clearly proved to him that the capital was not well-affected towards his authority . He at once commenced an enquiry, by which he learned the names of such principalmen among the Sclavonians as were most zealous in the cause of his nephew , and ordered that certain of these, as well as others belonging to the palace , should be put to the torture ; when , as the number he sus pected was great , so the sufferings he inflicted were many as well as grievous. These cruelties caused Alcasim Ben Hamud to be more than ever abhorred ; and the more important of the nobles, perceiving that he had sent the greater part of his troops to the aid of Gilfeya, as a man who thought he had no cause to fear, began to enter into a conspiracy against him . With all the secrecy required, and taking care to let no trace of their real purpose appear , they contrived to gain over large numbers of the people, among whom they expended vast sums of money, distributing arms also to such of the citizens as they permitted to partake to a certain extent of their confidence, but concealing their ultimate end from all.
Towards midnight, therefore, — that being the point of timewhich they had selected, — they made a sudden attack…
…This also took place in the year 413…
CHAPTER CXIV
OF ANOTHER DESCENDANT OB ABDERAHMAN THE GREAT, ABDERAHMAN ALMOSTADIR BILLAH
1022 A.D.
…The proclamation of Abderahman Almostadir had taken place in the moon of Ramazan ; and the Easter of Alfitra or the close of Ramazan having come, the king saw cause to desire that the unlimited license permitted to themselves by his Andalusian and Sclavonian guard should be repressed by the strong hand, seeing that during the disorders of the period of revolt just passed , they had formed the habit of going through the city, in the time of those festivals, com mitting every kind of excess, appearing to believe that every thing was to be endured at their hands, and that all the citizens were bound to yield obedience to their insolent commands.
The rules by which that body of soldiers was regulated now received a revisal: many of their privileges were taken away from them , many of their exemptions were recalied : and in these regulations the king did no more than give evidence of the rectitude by which he was governed . But the turbulent soldiery thus restrained , were greatly dis pleased by those changes ; the African Zenetes were more particularly offended , and many of them declared in their murmurs that the King Abderahman Almostadir ought rather to have been chosen the Prefect or Chief of a band of solitaries, an abbot of hermits in the desert, rather than as king to occupy the throne of Cordova.
Muhamad Ben Abderahman Ben Obeidala, the cousin of the king, did not fail to profit by these dispositions among the royal guard: availing himself of the opportunitiesafforded him by the possession of great riches, he soon obtained much popularity among them; and, by favour of certain light and inconsiderate youth of the nobles, he contrived to engage these troops in a conspiracy as hasty as it was trai torous and cruel. On thetwenty – seventh of the moon Dylcada a band of the guard thus conspiring entered the king’s apart ments at the hour of dawn , and before King Abderahman had risen: they cut down the Sclavonians who endeavoured to defend the door of the royal chamber, when Abderahman himself, disturbed by the clash of weapons and the cries of his Sclavonian guard, who had remained faithful to him , awoke and sprang from his bed. He defended himself for some time with his sword : but what could one man do against a multitude? He was soon overthrown, and the assassins cut him to pieces with inhuman cruelty.
Part III
CHAPTER I
of the election of Gehwar, of his government, and of the state of the provinces
1031 A.D.
Now when the unhappy intelligence of the death of their King Yahye had reached the city of Malaga, the inhabitants thereof had despatched messengers into Africa conveying the news of that event to Abu Giafar Ahmed Ben Abi Muza, known as Aben Bokina, and to the Sclavonian Naja, who both held governments in that country. These leaders thereupon repaired without delay to Spain, whither they brought a brother of the deceased Yahye, even Edris Ben Aly Ben Hamud, whom they hastened to proclaim king in Malaga, giving him the title of Alolui and saluting him as Ameer Amumenin. …
…The accession of Edris, the brother of Yahye, to the throne of Malaga ooh place int he year 418. He was a good and beneficent man by whom all who had been exiled were permitted to return to their homes, and the property and lands of such as had forfeited their possessions he restored to their original owners . Edris was very charitable moreover ; and on every Juma* he distributed 500 doubloons of gold in alms to the poor : a man of much learning, he paid frequent visits to the schools, and did not disdain to give his personal attention to the poor and humble : at a word, the benevolence of the king was ever ready for all who sought his aid . The Viziers of his dominions were two, – the Sclavonian Naja , who ruled in Africa , and Aben Bokina, with his kinsman Muza Ben Afan, who held the govern ment of Malaga : the latter was his Hagib as well as Vizier ; the former was the general of his armies…
CHAPTER II
CIVIL WARS AMONG THE MOSIEMAH
1034 A.D.
At this time the King of Malaga, even Edris, who had been long sick , departed to the mercy of Allah, when his eneral Aben Bokina did all that in him lay to secure the throne for Yahye Ben Edris, known as El Hayan : the Xeques and principal nobles of the city and its Comarcas also concurred in that desire ; and the oath of allegiance being proffered to Prince Yahye, he was proclaimed amidst tbe acclamations of all. But when the news of the death of Edris Ben Aly reached Cebta, the Sclavonian Vizier Naja, who governed there, deputed another Sclavonian general, in whom he confided, to act in his place, and cross ing the Strait, be passed over to Malaga with Hacen Ben Yahye Ben Aly , whom he proposed to crown king of that city. It will be remembered that the Sclavonian general had been the guardian from his childhood of that prince, and he retained so complete an empire over him , that he was thus assured of holding both the African and Spanish sovereignties in his own hands.
When Aben Bokina was informed of their debarkation on the shores of Spain , he went forth from the city to meet them with a select force of his bravest cavaliers: the Sclavonian General Naja and the Prince Hacen Ben Yahye were then compelled to retire to the Alcazaba, within which they were admitted by means of the intelligence which they had maintained with the Alcaide of the place. There Aben Bokina instantly besieged them with much vigour and a restless activity of assault ; but the people of Prince Hacen were also full of resolution ; they defended themselves with infinite steadiness and bravery ; their sallies and the assaults which they delivered in their turn causing very heavy losses to the besiegers.
But the siege continuing with varying success on both sides, the provisions of the besieged began to fail, when the Sclavonian Naja proposed a compromise, which was accepted, and consisted in the following conditions:—Prince Hacen Ben Yahye was to return in safety to his government in Cebta and Tangier, while Yahye Ben Edris was to be left in the peaceable enjoyment of Malaga, but with the con dition that he should accept a rich and eminent merchant, called Axetayfa or Xetayfa, for his Vizier, that person being a man in whom Naja placed much confidence. Thus the Sclavonian and his followers came forth in safety from that siege in which they had endured many privations and could entertain no hope of succours. ºthe conditions being arranged, Naja then returned with Hacen Ben Yahye to their governments of Cebta and Tangier.
Now Hacen Ben Yahye Ben Aly had married a cousin of his own, called Asafia; she was the daughter of his uncle Edris, the brother of Aly, and from consideration for her, Prince Hacen had refrained from exalting himself to the independent sovereignty of Cebta, as he might have done. But two years after the events above related, the Sclavonian Naja assassinated Prince Hacen his master; not moved by love to the beautiful Asafia, as some writers affirm, but incited, as is maintained with more probability by others, by his desire for the unrestricted possession of the government, on which he at once entered as absolute master. When the intelligence that Hacen had been thus murdered reached Malaga, the King Yahye Ben Edris for warded messages to all his kindred abjuring them to unite with him for the punishment of that crime. Nor did the assassin Naja remain inactive; gathering whatever forces he could muster, he passed over into Andalusia, in the hope of finding means for sowing discord among those who should assemble against him, and thus neutralizing their alliance. It is affirmed, that before his departure from Cebta he put to death an infant son whom his master Prince Hacen had left behind; but others declare that the child died of sick ness. God alone knows the truth.
As Wali over Cebta and Tangier the traitor Naja left Merubad Bihi Ben Aleslabi; and as the Sclavonian had long and maturely meditated the wicked enterprise on which he was bound, he bestowed double pay on the great body of cavalry which he had raised for the purpose, and now took with him, hoping hereby to secure the fidelity of those troops with the concurrence of their officers in his ambitious designs.
Having passed the Strait with a powerful fleet, he at once succeeded in obtaining possession of the two fortresses of Malaga, with its Alcazar, which he entered by surprise, and with the aid of the intelligence which he had found means to establish and maintain with the Vizier Xetayfa . The Sclavonian general then shut up King Edris as a prisoner in his own chamber, thinking of nothing less than assassi nating him as he had done Prince Hacen , and thus render ing himself master of all the territories held by the allied Alhacenes in Spain , as he had obtained those they owned in Africa. The merchant Xetayfa , with his riches and authority, gave Naja most valuable aid in these his inten tions, supplying his people with abundance of provisions and enabling him to continue the double pay he had offered not only to the people of Barbary who had accompanied him , but also to such other vagabonds and broken men as now came flocking to join his force.
The news of these violent proceedings did not fail to reach Algezira , when Muhamad Ben Alcasem at once assembled his troops for the rescue of his kinsman Edris, and to proceed against the traitorous Sclavonian Naja . The latter then set forth a rumour to the effect that Muhamad was coming, not for the deliverance of Edris, but to make himself master of the city ; and sallying forth with his people, he prepared to give battle to the advancing troops. Hehad not gone far, when certain Xeques who were in his company, but were in secret disaffected to his interests and did not serve him in good faith , but were in fact desirous of his ruin , advised him to return to the city and there await the arrival of his enemies, whom he might then easily over come, or , failing this, might send to Cebta and Tangier for an increase of force ; while if he then risked a battle , he must throw all on the chances of the result. To this Naja replied that he would return as they advised, but with a few of his followers only, and for the arrangement of an affair which was of the highest importance, leaving the greater part of his force to encounter the enemy, or at leaf to keep him in check.
1035 A.D.
But the true purpose of that false traitor was to take the life of Edris and of all such as he believed likely to remain faithful to their king, and with this intention he was in fact hurrying to return to Malaga, when he was himself en countered on the way by certain of the Andalusian Xeques and some generals of Edris, who had not deserted their lord in heart, although they had left the city with the host of Naja. These men followed close on the traces of the in tended murderer, until they had come to a hollow way better known to the Xeques of Malaga than to the African stranger , and which the former had reached by a shorter road than that pursued by the latter ; then taking advan tage of the difficulties presented by the pass , they sur rounded the small body in attendance on the traitor Naja , when they cut the Sclavonian , with ten of his cavaliers, to pieces. That done, two of their number rode hastily to Malaga, when they entered the city, crying, “ Albricias, Albricias !” * _ Victory, victory ! They thus aroused the people, who took their King Yahye Ben Edris from his prison, and bringing him forth to the streets, proclaimed him anew amidst universal rejoicings.
The treacherous Xetayfa was hewn to morsels by the knives of the enraged multitude; nay, all his kindred and partizans were in danger of the same fate, but King Yahye Ben Edris succeeded in pacifying the people and avoiding that effusion of blood, while at the same time he saved the lives of all the other Sclavonians then in Malaga, and who were equally threatened by the populace.
Made acquainted with the death of their leader Naja, the host of that Sclavonian general hastened to disperse;— many passed over into Africa, and escaped; others attached themselves to the service of Muhamad Ben Alcasim of Algezira, offering to become his vassals, and fight against whomever he might assail; wherefore Muhamad Ben Alcasim himself receiving intelligence of all that had occurred from his kinsman Yahye Ben Edris, recalled the troops he had sent to aid the latter named prince, and re mained quietly in Algezira.
1040-41 A.D.
About the same period it was that the Sclavonian Zohair Alameri, lord of Almeria and of a large district in the south of Spain , fell sick unto death, and of that malady he did in fact expire in the year 432. Now Zohair had declared the lord of Valencia , even Abdelaziz Abul Hasan , who was called Almanzor, the successor to all his land and lordships, and that prince appointed his son -in -law , Man Abulhuas, to be his Prefect and Naib in Almeria , where he governed the state with much prudence ; being greatly beloved by his people : Abulhuas Maur soon established himself in an in dependent sovereignty , which he held during his whole life time, ruliug his domains with infinite wisdom and with much consideration for all parties.
CHAPTER III
OF THE DEATH OF GEHWAR, KING OF CORDOVA; AND SUCCESSION OF HIS SON, MUHAMAD BEN GEHWAR, AND OF THE CONTINUANCE OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE MOSLEMA: CHIEFTAINS
A.D. 1056-58
When Edris had been some short time in Africa, the Albarguetine Sclavonians, Razikala and Sekan, who had been governors of Cebta and Tangier, did their utmost to cause him new disquietudes; but the people, who abhorred those rulers for their covetousness, cruelty, and oppression, were far from taking part in their projects : instead of favouring their intentions, they betrayed them publicly, and accusing them before the king, even Edris, they said to him, “Muley, these Sclavonians who accompany and surround thee are traitors, who pretend to be serving thee, but are in truth of a false and disloyal heart; they are con triving thy downfall, and have formed conspiracies against thy life, but do thou suffer us to reward them as their perfidy merits.”
CHAPTER VII
THE KING OF TOLEDO TAKES CORDOVA AND SEVILLE HE DIES IN THE LAST NAMED CITY AFTER IT HAS BEEN DELIVERED BY ABEN ABED
1079 A.D.
Now Murcia was well defended by Abderahman Ben Taher, the son of that illustrious Wali, Abu Becar Muhumad Ben Taher, Governor of the land of Tadmir, which he had maintained in justice, peace, and tranquillity through all the troubles of the Civil War, remaining contentedly under the shelter and protection of Zohair the Sclavonian, and never aspiring to the sovereignty, or desiring any other title than that of Muthalim , or the Reconciler of Differences, although his great riches and numerous partizans might have supplied him with abundantly sufficient means and opportunities for exalting himself to independent empire, had he been disposed to make the attempt. This excellent ruler had lived to the age of ninety, and after his death, which took place in the year 457, his son Abderahman continued to govern the country with a moderation in all respects equal to that exhibited by his father .
1086 A.D.
The brave Abu Yahye Zabaria being thus slain in battle by those of the Cabila of Gudala, the Xeque Abdallah, by his sovereign authority, elected and named Ameer, a brother of the dead chief, called Abu Bekir son of Omar, who was the son of Tarkit ,of the tribe of Zanhaga, and of the ancient blood of Zohair, who was very well received by the people of Lamtuna, from whom he received the oath of allegiance, as he did also from those of Sigilmesa and Dara. The new Ameer Abu Bekir then passed on towards the district of Masamuda, which is on the opposite declivities of the mountains of Daren: there he chose the lands of Agmat, Cilana, and Ezinira , as a commodious abiding -place for his people ; who sat themselves down there in the year of the Hegira 450 [1058].
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[Elżbieta Belcarzowa, “Polish Glosses in Medieval Latin Sermons” (Glosy polskie w łacińskich kazaniach średniowiecznych), part 3; see also Krzysztof Bracha, Tria ydola Polonorum]
