The Slavs of the Chronicle of Monemvasia

Although we wanted to relate only the “Slavic” passages of the Chronicle of Monemvasia, the size of the Chronicle lent itself to a translation of it in toto so we went that way so as to, in addition to the Slav references, give more of the context.

The chronicle is extant in the following manuscripts:

• Turin Codex (Codex Taurinensis Rev. 336)
• Koutloumousion Codex (Codex Kutlumus 220/3293)
• Iveron Codex (Codex Iviron 329 (aka Athous 4449))
• Rome Codex (Codex Collegio greco (Rome))

A portion of the chronicle is very similar to the Scholion of Arethas of Caesarea which we discussed here which led to some suggesting that Arethas was the author.  The dating of the Chronicle is also uncertain with general “agreement” putting it at about the year 1000 A.D. give or take a few hundred years (earliest about 800 to latest in the 1500s – see below for detail).

The Chronicle was first published in print by Joseph Pasinus (Giuseppe Passini) in 1749.  This publication was based on the Turin Codex from the Royal Library of Turin.  It remained largely ignored until the Slavophobe Jacob Philip Fallmerayer cited it as evidence for the proposition that the Greeks had been exterminated by various invaders such that the denizens of 19th century Greece were not really Greeks (the next argument that followed naturally and that Fallmerayer’s theories helped usher, was that the “original” Greeks were not, therefore, like the current Greeks but rather were “Arians” of the Nordic type best represented by the Germans and associated northern peoples, of course).

That Fallmerayer himself looked more, ahem, swarthy than your typical Slav and came from a provincial backwater of Germany (Tyrol which soon became part of the Hapsburg lands) foreshadowed another provincial man’s backwater and personal complexes.  Though Falmerayer did manage to graffiti the Great Temple of Ramses II with the inscription of his name (as did others), thankfully the  overall damage he wrought was less significant than that caused by another confused denizen of the podunk Austrian borderland. (For Falmerayer’s views see Fragmente aus dem Orient, 2nd edition, edited by Georg Thomas published in Stuttgart in 1877).

In any event, with the world’s attention now focused (a bit) on this entire question, the Greek historian (and later a rather inept prime minister) Spirydon Lambros (also Lampros) in 1884 published a new edition of the Chronicle featuring three manuscripts – the two “new” ones that Lambros located came from two separate monasteries on Mount Athos (Koutloumousion and Iveron).  Another edition came out in 1909 in Athens and was produced by Nikos Athanasiou Bees.  Finally, in 1912 Lambros printed another version – this one based on yet another manuscript from the Collegio Greco in Rome.

The most striking feature of these manuscripts is that the Iveron Codex covers the earliest time, the Turin and Koutloumousion Codices also cover events from 1083 through 1350 or so whereas the Rome Codex contains only the additional information from the Turin and Koutloumousion Codices with no overlap with the Iveron Codex.  (Consequently, the Rome Codex is almost a different chronicle is of little relevance for our purposes here).  There is also some information in the Iveron that is not present in the Turin and Koutloumousion Codices.

More modern English language scholarship on the Chronicle comes from historian Peter (Panagiotis) Charanis’ article “The Chronicle of Monemvasia and the Question of the Slavonic Settlements in Greece” (Dumbarton Oaks Papers, volume 5. 1950) (available for free on JSTOR) and some follow up work from him and most recently (?) from Stanisław Turlej’s 2001 study .  Much of the information in this post is courtesy of Charanis’ article. (Separately, Paul Lemerle published a partial French translation of the Chronicle in 1963 and in 1979 an Italian version of the Chronicle was published by the Bulgarian historian Ivan Duičev and there have been a few additional articles/books discussing the work in other contexts).

Charanis’ view is that the Chronicle (as well as the Scholion of Arethas) is based on a now lost chronicle that was put together between 805 (the year of the rebuilding of Patras and its elevation to a metropolitan see) and 932 (year of the Scholium).  That lost chronicle itself was, according to Charanis, based on the writings of Menander, Evagrius, Theophyllact Simocatta and some other lost source.  Although Charanis’ article is most lucid, the introduction of this intervening chronicle seems unnecessary.  Instead, it is also possible that the writer of the Chronicle of Monemvasia (and the Scholion) used the above named sources directly.

Interestingly, the 19th century controversy raised by Fallmerayer about the nature of the present day Greeks (i.e., they are all Slavs or other assorted invaders) led to another controversy with a response by some Greek scholars denying any Slavic invasion of Greece proper (the references to Hellas being invaded in Evagrius, Menander being explained as made to the Byzantine Empire’s lands in the Balkans but not Greece itself.  For those scholars the Chronocle was, of course, very inconvenient.  Current scholarship seems to have settled on a more balanced view seeing an actual Slav settlement – but not in all of Greece or even all of the Peloponnesus (Fallmerayer who brought up the Chronicle in the first place seems to have missed this point) – while also pointing to a Greek (and other) resettlement of the area.

Charanis also brings up the fact that Max Vasmer in his 1941 study of Slav settlement in Greece tallied Slavic toponyms in the area showing the following numbers: Corinth 24, Argolis 18, Achaia 95, Elis 35, Triphylia 44, Arcadia 94, Missenia 43, Laconia 81.  Oddly Vasmer did not mention the Chronicle of Monemvasia or the Scholion of Arethas.  Hopefully, he was not trying to fit his data to the report of the Chronicle (Die Slaven in Griechenland (Abhandlungen der Presussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Jahrgang 1941) Philosophisch-historische Klasse, number 12, Berlin 1941).  Here is a map of Peloponnesus from Vasmer’s book (color scheme is ours):

Charanis claims that Vasmer’s study supports the Chronicle’s position that the Avars/Slavs primarily occupied western Peloponnesus.

(Of course, there is another question that is not on any mainstream scholar’s radar and that is the question of the possibility of Slavic settlements in the Peloponnesus prior to the events described in the Chronicle of Monemvasia. For example, if one were to view S-parta as a compound along the same lines as S-labi that would suggest a “Parthian” origin of the inhabitants (ironically, given the Battle of Thermopylae) – compare, Mount Parthenion whose name suggests that Sparta may be a compound.  For that matter, if you were interested in our Elbe <?> Laba post, compare ακρωτήρι, the Greek for “cape” with “Cape Arkona” (Cape Cape?).  Or compare Krak with Krk island off of Croatia but better yet with Kerkyra off or Epirus with the Karkisa (Carians) called KRK by the Phoenicians and krka by the Persians.  To top it off the Carians seem to have either defeated or (as per Herodotus) been the Leleges who now moved to Laconia and whose King – Lelex – whose great-granddaughter was Sparta who would, in turn, marry Lacedaemon 🙂 ).

In any event, here is the Chronicle of Monemvasia as per, mostly, the Iveron Codex.

***

“In the 6064th year from the Creation of the world, which was the 32th [actually 31st] year of the reign of Justinian the Great [557 A.D.], there came to Constantinople envoys of strange people, the so-called Avars.  Having never seen such a people, the whole city rushed to see them.  Their jackets were made of long hair, tied with ribbons and twisted.  The rest of their clothing was similar to the clothing worn by other Huns.”

“As Evagrius says in the fifth book of his Ecclesiastical History, they were a nomadic people from the lands beyond the Caucasus mountains and inhabited the plains beyond [these mountains].  Having suffered badly at the hands of the Turks, they escaped these neighbors of theirs, abandoned their land, crossed the Black Sea coast and reached the Bosphorus.  Moving on from there, they crossed the lands of many peoples, fought barbarians they met, until they came to the banks of the Danube [and] then sent messengers to Justinian and asked to be welcomed [within the Empire].  Having been graciously welcomed by the Emperor, they received from his permission to settle in the region of Moesia, in the city of Dorostolon which is now called Dristra[1].  [And] so from poor they became rich and they spread over a very wide space.  Showing themselves forgetful [of the graciousness of Justinian] and ungrateful, they began to subjugate the Byzantines, they took the inhabitants of Thracia and Macedonia as slaves [and] even attacked the capital [Constantinople] and ruthlessly devastated its surroundings.  They also occupied Sirmium[2] [in 581/582 A.D.], an illustrious city in Europe which – being now in Bulgaria, is called Strem [‘Strjamos’] – had earlier been under the control of the Gepids, [to/by?] whom it was given [by/to?] the Emperor Justin[3].  It was for this reason [occupation of Sirmium by the Avars] that the Byzantines concluded a humiliating treaty with them [the Avars], promising to pay them an annual tribute of eighty thousand gold solidi.  On this condition the Avars promised to keep the peace.”[4]

“When in the year 6,000 [582 A.D.] Maurice received the scepter, the Avars sent envoys to him demanding that the eighty gold pieces they were receiving from the Byzantines be increased by another twenty thousand.  The emperor who loved peace agreed to this as well.  But even this agreement did not last more than two years.  [Every] time their master, the khagan, came up with another pretext so as to find a reason for war and demanded excessive things, so as to [be able to] get out of the agreements whenever some of his [new] demands were not fulfilled.  So he, finding the Thracian city of Singidunum [Belgrade] defenseless, he occupied it and, also, Augusta and Viminacium [Stari Kostolac] – a large island on the Danube.  He also conquered Anchialos [Pomorie, Bulgaria] which today is called Messina in Macedonia[5], and he also subdued many other cities that were in Illyria.  Pillaging all he came up on the outskirts of Byzantium [Constantinople] and even threatened to destroy the Great Wall.  Some of them [the Avars] crossed the Strait of Abydos [Hellespont], looted the lands of Asia [meaning today’s Turkey] and then turned back again [towards Constantinople].  The emperor sent envoys to the khagan, the patrician Elpidius and Comentiolus [probably 584 A.D.], agreeing to increase the stipend [tribute].  On these conditions the barbarian agreed to keep the peace.   [But] left alone for a short time, he [then] broke the agreements and undertook a terrible war against the Scythian province [Scythia Minor] and Moesia and destroyed many fortresses.”

“During [yet] another invasion they [the Avars] occupied all of Thessaly,[6] all of Greece, Old Epirus, the Attica and [the island of] Euboea.” 

“Impetuously pushing forth also in the Peloponessus, they took it by force of arms.  Scattering and destroying the noble population and the Greek [noble and Hellenic nations?], they themselves settled in this territory.”

“Those who managed to escape their murderous hands were dispersed into one region or into another.  [The people of] the city of Patras moved to the region of Rhegium in Calabria, the inhabitants of Argos to the island called Orobe, the Corinthians moved to the island called Aegina.  At that time even the Laconians [Lacedaemonians] abandoned their homeland and some of them sailed to the island of Sicily and some still remain there [living] at a place called Demena[7] and preserving the Laconian dialect and changing their name to the Demenites rather than Lacedaemonites.  Others though, having found a place inaccessible by the sea coast, built a strong city [there] and called it Monemvasia as there was only one way for those arriving.  They settled in this city along with their bishop. The shepherds and farmers moved into the rough areas surrounding [this place] and came to be ultimately called Tsakoniae.”

“The Avars having occupied and settled in this way the Peloponnesus, remained there for two hundred and eighteen years, without being subject to the Emperor of the Byzantines nor to any other [ruler], that is from the year 6,096 [587 A.D.] from the Creation of the world – which was the eighth year of the reign of Maurice – until the year 6313 [805 A.D.] – which was the fourth year of the reign of Nicephoros the Elder whose son was Staurakios[8].

“Because only the eastern part of the Peloponnesus, from Corinth up to Malea remained – due to its rough and inaccessible nature – free from the Slavic people and to that area [there continued to be] sent by the Emperor of the Byzantines a governor [strategus] of Peloponnesus.  One of these governors, a native of Lesser Armenia, [a member] of the so-called Skleros [Skleroi] family, went to battle the people of the Slavs, reduced them in battle with his arms and completely annihilated them [and] then he permitted the original inhabitants to get back their homes.  Upon hearing of this, the aforementioned Emperor Nicephoros, full of joy, immediately ordered that the cities in that region be rebuilt and all the churches [too] that the barbarians had destroyed and that these barbarians be converted to Christianity.  He informed the Patras exiles – at the place where they fled to – of his order reestablishing them in their ancient seat together with their bishop who at the time was Athanasius [and] gave the city of Patras – which until then was an archbishopric – metropolitan rights.”

“And he rebuilt from bottom up their city and their holy churches of God when Tarasios was still Patriarch [Patriarch of Constantinople 784 – 806].   He built the foundations well as the city of Lacedaemon and placed there a diverse population [of] Caferoe [Cabaroe/ Cabeiroe/Kibyraeotae?], Thrakesioe [Thracians/Thracesians?], Armenians and others, gathered from various places and cities and also established [the city] as [the seat of] of a bishopric and arranged that it be under the jurisdiction of the metropolis of Patras,  to which he also assigned two other bishoprics, Modon and Koron [Methoni and Koroni both in Messenia].  By reason of this the barbarians having been with the help and by the grace of God catechized, were [then] baptized and joined the Christian faith, for the glory and grace of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, now and ever and ever, Amen.”

[1] note: modern day Silistra in northeastern Bulgaria]
[2] note: modern Sremska Mitrovica, Serbia]
[3] note: probably the reference is to the Gepids returning Sirmium to Justin II in 567 A.D. when the Gepids were being crushed by Lombards and Avars and offered to give up Sirmium for Byzantine help.  The Byzantines did in fact regain Sirmium at that point]
[4] note: Sirmium fell during the reign of Tiberius II Constantine who possibly agreed to pay three years’ worth of the 80,000 tribute to have the inhabitants spared.  Shortly afterwards he died and Maurice became the emperor]
[5] note: Anchialos is different from Messina – this is a chronicler error.  The Avars took Anchialos in 584 A.D.]
[6] note: ditto Book II of the Miracles of Saint Demetrius – to come]
[7] note: probably in northeastern Sicily – refered to in ninth and tenth century documents]
[8] note: both victims of the 811 Battle of Pliska against Krum who encased Nicephorus’s skull in silver, and used it as a cup for wine-drinking]